In the meantime, national party conventions for the nomination of presidential candidates had been held.  The choice of the Democrats fell upon Cass; but his nomination could not be interpreted as an indorsement of his doctrine of squatter sovereignty.  By a decisive vote, the convention rejected Yancey’s resolution favoring “non-interference with the rights of property of any portion of the people of this confederation, be it in the States or in the Territories, by any other than the parties interested in them."[259] The action of the convention made it clear that traditional principles and habitual modes of political thought and action alone held the party together.  The Whig party had no greater organic unity.  The nomination of General Taylor, who was a doubtful Whig, was a confession that the party was non-committal on the issues of the hour.  There was much opposition to both candidates.  Many anti-slavery Whigs could not bring themselves to vote for Taylor, who was a slave-owner; Democrats who had supported the Wilmot Proviso, disliked the evasive doctrine of Cass.

The disaffected of both parties finally effected a fusion in the Free-Soil convention, and with other anti-slavery elements nominated Van Buren as their presidential candidate.  With the cry of “Free soil, free speech, free labor, and free men,” the new party threatened to upset the calculations of politicians in many quarters of the country.

The defeat of the Democratic party in the election of 1848 was attributed to the war of factions in New York.  Had the Barnburners supported Cass, he would have secured the electoral vote of the State.  They were accused of wrecking the party out of revenge.  Certain it is that the outcome was indecisive, so far as the really vital questions of the hour were concerned.  A Whig general had been sent to the White House, but no one knew what policies he would advocate.  The Democrats were still in control of the Senate; but thirteen Free-Soilers held the balance of power in the House.[260]

Curiosity was excited to know what the moribund administration of the discredited Polk would do.  Douglas shared this inquisitiveness.  He had parted with the President in August rather angrily, owing to a fancied grievance.  On his return he called at the White House and apologized handsomely for his “imprudent language."[261] The President was more than glad to patch up the quarrel, for he could ill afford now, in these waning hours of his administration, to part company with one whom he regarded as “an ardent and active political supporter and friend.”  Cordial relations resumed, Polk read to Douglas confidentially such portions of his forthcoming message as related to the tariff, the veto power, and the establishment of territorial governments in California and New Mexico.  In the spirit of compromise he was still willing to approve an extension of the Missouri Compromise line through our new possessions.  Should this prove unacceptable, he would give his consent to a bill which would leave the vexing question of slavery in the new Territories to the judiciary, as Clayton had proposed.  Douglas was now thoroughly deferential.  He gratified the President by giving the message his unqualified approval.[262]