The interview between President Buchanan and Douglas, as recounted by the latter, takes on a dramatic aspect.[630] Douglas found his worst fears realized.  The President was clearly under the influence of an aggressive group of Southern statesmen, who were bent upon making Kansas a slave State under the Lecompton constitution.  Laboring under intense feeling, Douglas then threw down the gauntlet:  he would oppose the policy of the administration publicly to the bitter end.  “Mr. Douglas,” said the President rising to his feet excitedly, “I desire you to remember that no Democrat ever yet differed from an administration of his own choice without being crushed.  Beware of the fate of Tallmadge and Rives.”  “Mr. President” rejoined Douglas also rising, “I wish you to remember that General Jackson is dead.”

The Chicago Times, reporting the interview, intimated that there had been a want of agreement, but no lack of courtesy or regard on either side.  Douglas was not yet ready to issue an ultimatum.  The situation might be remedied.  On the night following this memorable encounter, Douglas was serenaded by friends and responded with a brief speech, but he did not allude to the Kansas question.[631] It was generally expected that he would show his hand on Monday, the opening day of Congress.  The President’s message did not reach Congress, however, until Tuesday.  Immediately upon its reading, Douglas offered the usual motion to print the message, adding, as he took his seat, that he totally dissented from “that portion of the message which may fairly be construed as approving of the proceedings of the Lecompton convention.”  At an early date he would state the reasons for his dissent.[632]

On the following day, December 9th, Douglas took the irrevocable step.  For three hours he held the Senate and the audience in the galleries in rapt attention, while with more than his wonted gravity and earnestness he denounced the Lecompton constitution.[633] He began with a conciliatory reference to the President’s message.  He was happy to find, after a more careful examination, that the President had refrained from making any recommendation as to the course which Congress should pursue with regard to the constitution.  And so, he added adroitly, the Kansas question is not to be treated as an administration measure.  He shared the disappointment of the President that the constitution had not been submitted fully and freely to the people of Kansas; but the President, he conceived, had made a fundamental error in supposing that the Nebraska Act provided for the disposition of the slavery question apart from other local matters.  The direct opposite was true.  The main object of the Act was to remove an odious restriction by which the people had been prevented from deciding the slavery question for themselves, like all other local and domestic concerns.  If the President was right in thinking that by the terms of the Nebraska bill the slavery question must be submitted to the people, then every other clause of the constitution should be submitted to them.  To do less would be to reduce popular sovereignty to a farce.