[Footnote 516: Whig Almanac 1855.]
[Footnote 517: MS. Letter, Douglas to Lanphier, December 18, 1854.]
[Footnote 518: MS. Letter, Douglas to Lanphier, December 18, 1854.]
[Footnote 519: Davidson and Stuve, History of Illinois, pp. 689-690; Sheahan, Douglas, pp. 275-276.]
[Footnote 520: Rhodes, History of the United States, II, p. 67.]
[Footnote 521: Globe, 33 Cong., 2 Sess., App., p. 216.]
[Footnote 522: Globe, 33 Cong., 2 Sess., App., p. 330.]
[Footnote 523: Rhodes, History of the United States, II, pp. 97-98, 130, 196.]
[Footnote 524: Globe, 34 Cong., 1 Sess., p. 655.]
[Footnote 525: Ibid., App., p. 391.]
[Footnote 526: Globe,34 Cong., 1 Sess., App. p. 392.]
[Footnote 527: Rhodes, History of the United States, II, pp. 169-171.]
[Footnote 528: Stanwood, History of the Presidency, p. 265. Douglas received 73 votes from the slave States and Buchanan 47; Buchanan received 28 votes in New England, Douglas 13; Buchanan received 41 votes from the Northwest, Douglas 19. The loss of Buchanan in the South was more than made good by his votes from the Middle Atlantic States.]
[Footnote 529: Sheahan, Douglas, pp. 448-449; Proceedings of the National Democratic Convention, 1856.]
[Footnote 530: Washington Union, June 7, 1856.]
[Footnote 531: Stanwood, History of the Presidency, p. 267.]
[Footnote 532: Washington Union, June 7, 1856.]
[Footnote 533: Correspondent to Cincinnati Enquirer, June 12, 1856.]
[Footnote 534: The letter read, “This legislation is founded upon principles as ancient as free government itself, and in accordance with them has simply declared that the people of a Territory like those of a State, shall decide for themselves whether slavery shall or shall not exist within their limits. The Kansas-Nebraska Act does no more than give the force of law to this elementary principle of self-government, declaring it to be ’the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States.’ How vain and illusory would any other principle prove in practice in regard to the Territories,” etc. Cincinnati Enquirer, June 22, 1856.]
[Footnote 535: Stanwood, History of the Presidency, pp. 269-274.]
CHAPTER XIII
THE TESTING OF POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY