In so far as this empire may be said to possess a Constitution, it is of modern growth and is still in the stage of development.  One can hardly conceive that it will ever distinctly emerge from that state or attain a status in which constitutional development is no longer to be anticipated.  Indeed, the genius of the British people and all our past history lead us to believe the contrary.  The steps in advance have been usually gradual and always practical; and they have been taken on instinct rather than upon any carefully considered theory.

[Illustration:  YUAN SHIH-KAI

President of the Chinese Republic.

(Photo by Rio V. De Sieux.)]

[Illustration:  PRINCE VON BUELOW

German Ambassador to Italy.]

Which was admonition at once of the Centralizationists and their opponents, the Nationalists.

Whatever alteration of existing British inter-arrangements may come after the war will be done on instinct in view of circumstances that cannot now be foreseen.  Wherefore clamorers for this or that, their favorite scheme, are now inopportunists.  Hence they are neglected by the public as unimpressive, futile wasters of breath or ink.  Indeed Canada, Great Britain, the whole race of mankind are now swept on the crest of a huge wave of Fate.  When it casts them ashore, recedes, leaves men to consider what may best be done for the future, then will have come the time to rearrange political fabrics, if need be.  Then Sir Robert Borden will probably continue in his often clearly specified opinion that Canada, if remaining liable as now to be drawn into Great Britain’s more perilous wars—­a liability which must ever urge Canada to strong participation in order that the peril may be the sooner ended—­ought to have a share in controlling Great Britain’s foreign policy.  Which sharing Mr. Asquith declared last year impracticable, in that sense inadmissible.

Westminster must retain freedom to move, act, strike quickly.  Her course toward Germany had to be decided last August within a few hours.  Obviously her freedom, her power for promptitude would be hindered in proportion to need for such consultation with and approval by councilors of many distant countries as is presupposed by advocates of imperial federation.  Why establish control by cumbersome, superfluous machinery when the war has made it clear as the sun at high noon that the essential desideratum, British Union, exists now?  All the notable communities of the King’s realms have demonstrated that they are in the mind, the condition of a voluntary empire.  What more can be desired save by such as desire old country domination of all the concerned countries, and who really long for a formal and subservient Empire?

Sir Richard Jebb, a deep student of the Empire problem, declared clearly last November the meaning of that general voluntary British war union which is a wonder of mankind, and in the course to teach a profound, general political lesson.  He wrote: