the moral force of her army is slowly giving way, while the vigor of our troops is constantly increasing.  After six months of severe fighting our military position is certainly stronger than the position of the Entente powers, though the latter represent a population of 250,000,000, (English colonies and Japan not included,) against the 140,000,000 of Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Turkey.  Who can doubt on which side superior moral power fights?  Who can doubt, therefore, what the ultimate result promises to be?

If it takes more time to bring matters to a decision—­and a decision must be obtained at any price, if there is to follow a period of permanent peace—­part, at least, of the responsibility for the horrors of the protracted war, for the slaughter of many hundred thousands more of human beings, rests on America.  But for the American transports of guns and ammunition, the power of Russia would give way in a shorter time, considering her enormous losses in that respect and her inability to supplement them from her own workshops.

It is very edifying that American pacifists are exerting themselves against the current of militarism which appears to spread in their country; but wouldn’t it be better still, more to the purpose and certainly practically more urgent, to insist upon a truly neutral attitude of the great republic, to protest against her feeding the war by providing one belligerent side with its implements?  Do American pacifists really fail to see that their country by such proceedings disables herself from being the peacemaker of the future?  Do they think it immaterial from the standpoint of her moral power, as well as of her material interests, how central Europe, a mass of 120,000,000, think of her, feel about her?

I hope my readers will not find fault with me for using such plain language.  My well-known enthusiastic regard for the great American commonwealth makes it unnecessary that I should protest against the charge of meaning disrespect or anything else whatever but a sincere desire to state with absolute sincerity how we feel about these matters, in what light they appear to us.  I think America must know this, because it is part of the general situation she has to reckon with when shaping her policies.  I fervently hope these policies will remain in concordance with the great principles on which the commonwealth is built and with the teaching embodied in that farewell address which is read once a year in Congress and in which the greatest American emphatically warns his countrymen from becoming entangled in the conflicts of European nations.

A few words more about the future of Europe may be said on this occasion.  I have read with the keenest interest your own and Mr. Carnegie’s statements concerning a future organization of Europe on the pattern of the United States.  My personal views concerning this magnificent idea have been expressed in anticipation in my America lectures of the year 1911.  Allow me to quote my own words: