I hear of “Ulster bigots,” “Ulster deadheads,” and assertions made that the opposition only proceeds from a few aristocratic Tory landlords.  Hard words do us no harm; but abusive epithets will not lessen Ulster opposition.  Indeed the more we are reviled by our opponents, the more we believe they recognize the futility of persuading us to accept Home Rule.

We read of the intense anxiety of Irish Nationalists on English platforms lest even the suspicion of intolerance should cloud their administration and legislation under Home Rule, with interest but without respect.  We do not believe in these sudden repentances, and we have heard these professions time and again when the exigencies of the moment demanded them.

The spirit of change has even affected the Government.  At first Ulster was to be ignored; now it is to be conciliated.  There is no safeguard that they will not insert in the Bill at our request.  The First Lord of the Admiralty has a list already prepared; and they will welcome additions.  Mr. Redmond accepts them all; and the fact that he does it readily raises our suspicions of their worth.  Has not Mr. John Dillon said that artificial guarantees in an Act of Parliament were no real protection,[63] and for once it is possible to agree with him.

Why should “bigots” be conciliated; or “deadheads” receive so much consideration?  Why should the opposition of aristocratic Tory landlords be thought worthy of respect?  Whenever have they been treated in this manner before by the Government in their schemes of legislation?

That our views receive so much attention is indeed the proof of the falsity of these hard names.  Opposition to Home Rule in Ulster proceeds not from “bigots” or “deadheads,” not from “Tories,” or “aristocrats,” or “landlords” exclusively.  It is neither party question, nor class question.  It has destroyed all differences between parties and classes.  I doubt if there are any more democratic organizations than those of the Ulster Unionist Council, the Unionist Clubs, and the Orangemen.  Nor are the religious bodies less popularly organized—­the Church of Ireland, the Presbyterians, and other Protestant denominations have no class restrictions in their government.  And as for party distinctions, those of us who took part in the old political contests before Home Rule became an urgent danger are now side by side in this greater fight for our very existence.

What stronger evidence that opposition to Home Rule in Ulster is no party question is to be found than in the disappearance of the Liberal Party.  I can remember when it was powerful; but it has vanished before the threat of Home Rule.  All attempts to resuscitate the corpse have failed, and a Liberal Party, independent of the Nationalists, representing Ulster constituencies in the House of Commons, in spite of repeated efforts, does not exist.

Let me impress upon the people of Great Britain that Ulster opposition to Home Rule is no party matter.  It is an uprising of a people against tyranny and coercion; against condemnation to servitude; against deprivation of the right of citizens to an effective voice in the government of the country.