2.  It is equally important to the stability of this Republic that it should now be solemnly decided what power can revive, recreate, and reinstate these provinces into the family of States, and invest them with the rights of American citizens.  It is time that Congress should assert its sovereignty, and assume something of the dignity of a Roman senate.  It is fortunate that the President invites Congress to take this manly attitude.  After stating with great frankness in his able message his theory, which, however, is found to be impracticable, and which I believe very few now consider tenable, he refers the whole matter to the judgment of Congress.  If Congress should fail firmly and wisely to discharge that high duty it is not the fault of the President.

This Congress owes it to its own character to set the seal of reprobation upon a doctrine which is becoming too fashionable, and unless rebuked will be the recognized principle of our Government.  Governor Perry and other provisional governors and orators proclaim that “this is the white man’s Government.”  The whole copperhead party, pandering to the lowest prejudices of the ignorant, repeat the cuckoo cry, “This is the white man’s Government.”  Demagogues of all parties, even some high in authority, gravely shout, “This is the white man’s Government.”  What is implied by this?  That one race of men are to have the exclusive right forever to rule this nation, and to exercise all acts of sovereignty, while all other races and nations and colors are to be their subjects, and have no voice in making the laws and choosing the rulers by whom they are to be governed.  Wherein does this differ from slavery except in degree?  Does not this contradict all the distinctive principles of the Declaration of Independence?  When the great and good men promulgated that instrument, and pledged their lives and sacred honors to defend it, it was supposed to form an epoch in civil government.  Before that time it was held that the right to rule was vested in families, dynasties, or races, not because of superior intelligence of virtue, but because of a divine right to enjoy exclusive privileges.

Our fathers repudiated the whole doctrine of the legal superiority of families or races, and proclaimed the equality of men before the law.  Upon that they created a revolution and built the Republic.  They were prevented by slavery from perfecting the superstructure whose foundation they had thus broadly laid.  For the sake of the Union they consented to wait, but never relinquished the idea of its final completion.  The time to which they looked forward with anxiety has come.  It is our duty to complete their work.  If this Republic is not now made to stand on their great principles, it has no honest foundation, and the Father of all men will still shake it to its centre.  If we have not yet been sufficiently scourged for our national sin to teach us to do justice to all God’s creatures, without distinction of race or color, we