Mr. Lincoln should steal a horse, would I sanction it; and it would be as genteel in me to ask him, in the event he stole a horse, what ought to be done with him.  He casts an imputation upon the Supreme Court of the United States, by supposing that they would violate the Constitution of the United States.  I tell him that such a thing is not possible.  It would be an act of moral treason that no man on the bench could ever descend to.  Mr. Lincoln himself would never, in his partisan feelings, so far forget what was right as to be guilty of such an act.

The fourth question of Mr. Lincoln is—­Are you in favor of acquiring additional territory in disregard as to how such acquisition may affect the Union on the slavery question?  This question is very ingeniously and cunningly put.  The Black Republican crowd lays it down expressly that under no circumstances shall we acquire any more territory unless slavery is first prohibited in the country.  I ask Mr. Lincoln whether he is in favor of that proposition?  Are you opposed to the acquisition of any more territory, under any circumstances, unless slavery is prohibited in it?  That he does not like to answer.  When I ask him whether he stands up to that article in the platform of his party, he turns, Yankee fashion, and, without answering it, asks me whether I am in favor of acquiring territory without regard to how it may affect the Union on the slavery question.  I answer that, whenever it becomes necessary, in our growth and progress, to acquire more territory, I am in favor of it without reference to the question of slavery, and when we have acquired it, I will leave the people free to do as they please, either to make it slave or free territory, as they prefer.  It is idle to tell me or you that we have territory enough. * * * With our natural increase, growing with a rapidity unknown in any other part of the globe, with the tide of emigration that is fleeing from despotism in the old world to seek refuge in our own, there is a constant torrent pouring into this country that requires more land, more territory upon which to settle; and just as fast as our interest and our destiny require additional territory in the North, in the South, or in the islands of the ocean, I am for it, and, when we acquire it, will leave the people, according to the Nebraska bill, free to do as they please on the subject of slavery and every other question.

I trust now that Mr. Lincoln will deem him-self answered on his four points.  He racked his brain so much in devising these four questions that he exhausted himself, and had not strength enough to invent the others.  As soon as he is able to hold a council with his advisers, Love-joy, Farnsworth, and Fred Douglas, he will frame and propound others ("Good,” “good!").  You Black Republicans who say “good,” I have no doubt, think that they are all good men.  I have reason to recollect that some people in this country think that Fred Douglas is a very good man.  The last time I came here