But not content with this poor menace, which we have been twice told was “measured,” the Senator in the unrestrained chivalry of his nature, has undertaken to apply opprobrious words to those who differ from him on this floor.  He calls them “sectional and fanatical;” and opposition to the usurpation in Kansas he denounces as “an uncalculating fanaticism.”  To be sure these charges lack all grace of originality, and all sentiment of truth; but the adventurous Senator does not hesitate.  He is the uncompromising, unblushing representative on this floor of a flagrant sectionalism, which now domineers over the Republic, and yet with a ludicrous ignorance of his own position—­unable to see himself as others see him—­or with an effrontery which even his white head ought not to protect from rebuke, he applies to those here who resist his sectionalism the very epithet which designates himself.  The men who strive to bring back the Government to its original policy, when Freedom and not Slavery was sectional, he arraigns as sectional.  This will not do.  It involves too great a perversion of terms.  I tell that Senator that it is to himself, and to the “organization” of which he is the “committed advocate,” that this epithet belongs.  I now fasten it upon them.  For myself, I care little for names; but since the question has been raised here, I affirm that the Republican party of the Union is in no just sense sectional, but, more than any other party, national; and that it now goes forth to dislodge from the high places of the Government the tyrannical sectionalism of which the Senator from South Carolina is one of the maddest zealots. * * *

As the Senator from South Carolina, is the Don Quixote, the Senator from Illinois (Mr. Douglas) is the Squire of Slavery, its very Sancho Panza, ready to do all its humiliating offices.  This Senator, in his labored address, vindicating his labored report—­piling one mass of elaborate error upon another mass—­constrained himself, as you will remember, to unfamiliar decencies of speech.  Of that address I have nothing to say at this moment, though before I sit down I shall show something of its fallacies.  But I go back now to an earlier occasion, when, true to his native impulses, he threw into this discussion, “for a charm of powerful trouble,” personalities most discreditable to this body.  I will not stop to repel the imputations which he cast upon myself; but I mention them to remind you of the “sweltered venom sleeping got,” which, with other poisoned ingredients, he cast into the caldron of this debate.  Of other things I speak.  Standing on this floor, the Senator issued his rescript, requiring submission to the Usurped Power of Kansas; and this was accompanied by a manner—­all his own—­such as befits the tyrannical threat.  Very well.  Let the Senator try.  I tell him now that he cannot enforce any such submission.  The Senator, with the slave power at his back, is strong; but he is not strong enough for this purpose.