there, and have commissioned and enjoined me to stand there forever; and, so help me God, I will.  I say to you frankly, gentlemen, that while we hold this doctrine, there is no Republican, there is no convention of Republicans, there is no paper that speaks for them, there is no orator that sets forth their doctrines, who ever pretends that they have any right in your States to interfere with your peculiar institution; but, on the other hand, our authoritative platform repudiates the idea that we have any right or any intention ever to invade your peculiar institution in your own States.

Now, what do you complain of?  You are going to break up this Government; you are going to involve us in war and blood, from a mere suspicion that we shall justify that which we stand everywhere pledged not to do.  Would you be justified in the eyes of the civilized world in taking so monstrous a position, and predicating it on a bare, groundless suspicion?  We do not love slavery.  Did you not know that before to-day, before this session commenced?  Have you not a perfect confidence that the civilized world is against you on this subject of loving slavery or believing that it is the best institution in the world?  Why, sir, everything remains precisely as it was a year ago.  No great catastrophe has occurred.  There is no recent occasion to accuse us of anything.  But all at once, when we meet here, a kind of gloom pervades the whole community and the Senate Chamber.  Gentlemen rise and tell us that they are on the eve of breaking up this Government, that seven or eight States are going to break off their connection with the Government, retire from the Union, and set up a hostile government of their own, and they look imploringly over to us, and say to us:  “You can prevent it; we can do nothing to prevent it; but it all lies with you.”  Well, sir, what can we do to prevent it?  You have not even condescended to tell us what you want; but I think I see through the speeches that I have heard from gentlemen on the other side.  If we would give up the verdict of the people, and take your platform, I do not know but you would be satisfied with it.  I think the Senator from Texas rather intimated, and I think the Senator from Georgia more than intimated, that if we would take what is exactly the Charleston platform on which Mr. Breckenridge was placed, and give up that on which we won our victory, you would grumblingly and hesitatingly be satisfied.

Mr. Iverson.  I would prefer that the Senator would look over my remarks before quoting them so confidently.  I made no such statement as that.  I did not say that I would be satisfied with any such thing.  I would not be satisfied with it.

Mr. Wade.  I did not say that the Senator said so; but by construction I gathered that from his speech.  I do not know that I was right in it.

Mr. Iverson.  The Senator is altogether wrong in his construction.

Mr. Wade.  Well, sir, I have now found what the Senator said on the other point to which he called my attention a little while ago.  Here it is: