Thus much for the evidence from the history of the Convention.  But the true principles of our political system are in harmony with this conclusion of history; and here let me say a word of State rights.

It was the purpose of our fathers to create a National Government, and to endow it with adequate powers.  They had known the perils of imbecility, discord, and confusion, protracted through the uncertain days of the Confederation, and they desired a government which should be a true bond of union and an efficient organ of national interests at home and abroad.  But while fashioning this agency, they fully recognized the governments of the States.  To the nation were delegated high powers, essential to the national interests, but specific in character and limited in number.  To the States and to the people were reserved the powers, general in character and unlimited in number, not delegated to the nation or prohibited to the States.

The integrity of our political system depends upon harmony in the operations of the Nation and of the States.  While the nation within its wide orbit is supreme, the States move with equal supremacy in their own.  But, from the necessity of the case, the supremacy of each in its proper place excludes the other.  The Nation cannot exercise rights reserved to the States, nor can the States interfere with the powers of the nation.  Any such action on either side is a usurpation.  These principles were distinctly declared by Mr. Jefferson in 1798, in words often adopted since, and which must find acceptance from all parties.

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I have already amply shown to-day that Slavery is in no respect national—­that it is not within the sphere of national activity,—­that it has no “positive” support in the Constitution,—­and that any interpretation inconsistent with this principle would be abhorrent to the sentiments of its founders.  Slavery is a local institution, peculiar to the States, and under the guardianship of State rights.  It is impossible, without violence to the spirit and letter of the Constitution, to claim for Congress any power to legislate either for its abolition in the States or its support anywhere.  Non-Intervention is the rule prescribed to the nation.  Regarding the question in its more general aspects only, and putting aside, for the moment, the perfect evidence from the records of the convention, it is palpable that there is no national fountain out of which the existing Slave Act can possibly spring.

But this Act is not only an unwarrantable assumption of power by the nation, it is also an infraction of rights reserved to the States.  Everywhere within their borders the States are peculiar guardians of personal liberty.  By jury and habeas corpus to save the citizen harmless against all assault is among their duties and rights.  To his State the citizen, when oppressed, may appeal; nor should he find that appeal denied.  But this Act despoils him of rights,