The speech of Henry in the Virginia House of Delegates has been chosen as perhaps the best representative of the spirit which impelled and guided the American Revolution.  It is fortunate that the ablest of the national leaders was placed in the very focus of opposition to the Constitution, so that we may take Hamilton’s argument in the New York convention and Madison’s in the Virginia convention, as the most carefully stated conclusions of the master-minds of the National party.

JAMES OTIS

OF MASSACHUSETTS. (BORN 1725, DIED 1783.)

ON THE WRITS OF ASSISTANCE—­BEFORE THE SUPERIOR COURT OF MASSACHUSETTS, FEBRUARY, 1761.

May it please your honors:  I was desired by one of the court to look into the books, and consider the question now before them concerning Writs of Assistance.  I have accordingly considered it, and now appear not only in obedience to your order, but likewise in behalf of the inhabitants of this town, who have presented another petition, and out of regard to the liberties of the subject.  And I take this opportunity to declare, that whether under a fee or not (for in such a cause as this I despise a fee), I will to my dying day oppose with all the powers and faculties God has given me, all such instruments of slavery on the one hand, and villainy on the other, as this writ of assistance is.

It appears to me the worst instrument of arbitrary power, the most destructive of English liberty and the fundamental principles of law, that ever was found in an English law-book.  I must therefore beg your honors’ patience and attention to the whole range of an argument, that may perhaps appear uncommon in many things, as well as to points of learning that are more remote and unusual:  that the whole tendency of my design may the more easily be perceived, the conclusions better descend, and the force of them be better felt.  I shall not think much of my pains in this cause, as I engaged in it from principle.  I was solicited to argue this cause as Advocate-General; and because I would not, I have been charged with desertion from my office.  To this charge I can give a very sufficient answer.  I renounced that office, and I argue this cause from the same principle; and I argue it with the greater pleasure, as it is in favor of British liberty, at a time when we hear the greatest monarch upon earth declaring from his throne that he glories in the name of Briton, and that the privileges of his people are dearer to him than the most valuable prerogatives of his crown; and as it is in opposition to a kind of power, the exercise of which in former periods of history cost one king of England his head, and another his throne.  I have taken more pains in this cause than I ever will take again, although my engaging in this and another popular cause has raised much resentment.  But I think I can sincerely, declare, that I cheerfully submit myself to every odious name for conscience’ sake; and from my soul I despise all those whose guilt, malice, or folly has made them my foes.  Let the consequences be what they will, I am determined to proceed.  The only principles of public conduct, that are worthy of a gentleman or a man, are to sacrifice estate, ease, health, and applause, and even life, to the sacred calls of his country.