making sacrifices to him, who has given such demonstration of his love for the Americans; we must, in point of fact, become parties to his war.  Who can be so cruel as to refuse him that favor?  My imagination shrinks from the miseries of such a connection.  I call upon the House to reflect, whether they are not about to abandon all reclamation for the unparalleled outrages, “insults, and injuries” of the French government; to give up our claim for plundered millions; and I ask what reparation or atonement they can expect to obtain in hours of future dalliance, after they shall have made a tender of their person to this great deflowerer of the virginity of republics.  We have, by our own wise (I will not say wiseacre) measures, so increased the trade and wealth of Montreal and Quebec, that at last we begin to cast a wistful eye at Canada.  Having done so much toward its improvement, by the exercise of “our restrictive energies,” we begin to think the laborer worthy of his hire, and to put in a claim for our portion.  Suppose it ours, are we any nearer to our point?  As his minister said to the king of Epirus, “May we not as well take our bottle of wine before as after this exploit?” Go march to Canada! leave the broad bosom of the Chesapeake and her hundred tributary rivers; the whole line of sea-coast from Machias to St. Mary’s, unprotected!  You have taken Quebec—­have you conquered England?  Will you seek for the deep foundations of her power in the frozen deserts of Labrador?

“Her march is on the mountain wave, Her home is on the deep!”

Will you call upon her to leave your ports and harbors untouched only just till you can return from Canada, to defend them?  The coast is to be left defenceless, while men of the interior are revelling in conquest and spoil. * * *

No sooner was the report laid on the table, than the vultures were flocking around their prey—­the carcass of a great military establishment.  Men of tainted reputation, of broken fortune (if they ever had any), and of battered constitutions, “choice spirits tired of the dull pursuits of civil life,” were seeking after agencies and commissions, willing to doze in gross stupidity over the public fire; to light the public candle at both ends.  Honorable men undoubtedly there are ready to serve their country; but what man of spirit, or of self-respect, will accept a commission in the present army?  The gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Grundy) addressed himself yesterday exclusively to the “Republicans of the House.”  I know not whether I may consider myself as entitled to any part of the benefit of the honorable gentleman’s discourse.  It belongs not, however, to that gentleman to decide.  If we must have an exposition of the doctrines of republicanism, I shall receive it from the fathers of the church, and not from the junior apprentices of the law.  I shall appeal to my worthy friends from Carolina (Messrs. Macon and Stanford), “men with whom I have measured my strength,” by whose side I have fought during the reign of terror; for it was indeed an hour of corruption, of oppression, of pollution.  It was not at all to my taste—­that sort of republicanism which was supported, on this side of the Atlantic, by the father of the sedition law, John Adams, and by Peter Porcupine on the other.  Republicanism! of John Adams and William Cobbett! * * *