is decried.  It is the philosophy of politics, the religion of governments.  It is observed by barbarians—­a whiff of tobacco smoke, or a string of beads, gives not merely binding force but sanctity to treaties.  Even in Algiers, a truce may be bought for money, but when ratified, even Algiers is too wise, or too just, to disown and annul its obligation.  Thus we see, neither the ignorance of savages, nor the principles of an association for piracy and rapine, permit a nation to despise its engagements.  If, sir, there could be a resurrection from the foot of the gallows, if the victims of justice could live again, collect together and form a society, they would, however loath, soon find themselves obliged to make justice, that justice under which they fell, the fundamental law of their state.  They would perceive, it was their interest to make others respect, and they would therefore soon pay some respect themselves, to the obligations of good faith.

It is painful, I hope it is superfluous, to make even the supposition, that America should furnish the occasion of this opprobrium.  No, let me not even imagine, that a republican government, sprung, as our own is, from a people enlightened and uncorrupted, a government whose origin is right, and whose daily discipline is duty, can, upon solemn debate, make its option to be faithless—­can dare to act what despots dare not avow, what our own example evinces, the states of Barbary are unsuspected of.  No, let me rather make the supposition, that Great Britain refuses to execute the treaty, after we have done every thing to carry it into effect.  Is there any language of reproach pungent enough to express your commentary on the fact?  What would you say, or rather what would you not say?  Would you not tell them, wherever an Englishman might travel, shame would stick to him—­he would disown his country.  You would exclaim, England, proud of your wealth, and arrogant in the possession of power—­blush for these distinctions, which become the vehicles of your dishonor.  Such a nation might truly say to corruption, thou art my father, and to the worm, thou art my mother and my sister.  We should say of such a race of men, their name is a heavier burden than their debt.

The refusal of the posts (inevitable if we reject the treaty) is a measure too decisive in its nature to be neutral in its consequences.  From great causes we are to look for great effects.  A plain and obvious one will be, the price of the Western lands will fall.  Settlers will not choose to fix their habitation on a field of battle.  Those who talk so much of the interest of the United States, should calculate how deeply it will be affected by rejecting the treaty; how vast a tract of wild land will almost cease to be property.  This loss, let it be observed, will fall upon a fund expressly devoted to sink the national debt.  What then are we called upon to do?  However the form of the vote and the protestations of many may disguise the proceeding, our resolution is in substance, and it deserves to wear the title of a resolution to prevent the sale of the Western lands and the discharge of the public debt.