are we now assembled here? A federal government
is formed for the protection of its individual members.
Ours was itself attacked with impunity. Its authority
has been boldly disobeyed and openly despised.
I think I perceive a glaring inconsistency in another
of his arguments. He complains of this Constitution,
because it requires the consent of at least three
fourths of the States to introduce amendments which
shall be necessary for the happiness of the people.
The assent of so many, he considers as too great an
obstacle to the admission of salutary amendments,
which he strongly insists ought to be at the will of
a bare majority, and we hear this argument at the
very moment we are called upon to assign reasons for
proposing a Constitution which puts it in the power
of nine States to abolish the present inadequate, unsafe,
and pernicious confederation! In the first case,
he asserts that a majority ought to have the power
of altering the government, when found to be inadequate
to the security of public happiness. In the last
case, he affirms that even three fourths of the community
have not a right to alter a government which experience
has proved to be subversive of national felicity;
nay, that the most necessary and urgent alterations
cannot be made without the absolute unanimity of all
the States. Does not the thirteenth article of
the confederation expressly require, that no alteration
shall be made without the unanimous consent of all
the States? Can any thing in theory be more perniciously
improvident and injudicious than this submission of
the will of the majority to the most trifling minority?
Have not experience and practice actually manifested
this theoretical inconvenience to be extremely impolitic?
Let me mention one fact, which I conceive must carry
conviction to the mind of any one,—the
smallest State in the Union has obstructed every attempt
to reform the government; that little member has repeatedly
disobeyed and counteracted the general authority;
nay, has even supplied the enemies of its country
with provisions. Twelve States had agreed to certain
improvements which were proposed, being thought absolutely
necessary to preserve the existence of the general
government; but as these improvements, though really
indispensable, could not, by the confederation, be
introduced into it without the consent of every State,
the refractory dissent of that little State prevented
their adoption. The inconveniences resulting
from this requisition of unanimous concurrence in
alterations of the confederation, must be known to
every member in this convention; it is therefore needless
to remind them of them. Is it not self-evident,
that a trifling minority ought not to bind the majority?
Would not foreign influence be exerted with facility
over a small minority? Would the honorable gentleman
agree to continue the most radical defects in the
old system, because the petty State of Rhode Island
would not agree to remove them?