for the whole Union, and yet leave its powers subject, not to one interpretation, but to thirteen or twenty-four interpretations?  Instead of one tribunal, established by all, responsible to all, with power to decide for all, shall constitutional questions be left to four-and-twenty popular bodies, each at liberty to decide for itself, and none bound to respect the decisions of others; and each at liberty, too, to give a new constitution on every new election of its own members?  Would any thing, with such a principle in it, or rather with such a destitution of all principle be fit to be called a government?  No, sir.  It should not be denominated a constitution.  It should be called, rather, a collection of topics for everlasting controversy; heads of debate for a disputatious people.  It would not be a government.  It would not be adequate to any practical good, or fit for any country to live under.

To avoid all possibility of being misunderstood, allow me to repeat again in the fullest manner, that I claim no powers for the government by forced or unfair construction.  I admit that it is a government of strictly limited powers; of enumerated, specified, and particularized powers; and that whatsoever is not granted is withheld.  But notwithstanding all this, and however the grant of powers may be expressed, its limit and extent may yet, in some cases, admit of doubt; and the General Government would be good for nothing, it would be incapable of long existing, if some mode had not been provided in which those doubts as they should arise, might be peaceably but authoritatively solved.

And now, Mr. President, let me run the honorable gentleman’s doctrine a little into its practical application.  Let us look at his probable modus operandi.  If a thing can be done, an ingenious man can tell how it is to be done, and I wish to be informed how this State interference is to be put in practice, without violence, bloodshed, and rebellion.  We will take the existing case of the tariff law.  South Carolina is said to have made up her opinion upon it.  If we do not repeal it (as we probably shall not), she will then apply to the case the remedy of her doctrine.  She will, we must suppose, pass a law of her legislature, declaring the several acts of Congress, usually called the tariff laws, null and void, so far as they respect South Carolina, or the citizens thereof.  So far, all is a paper transaction, and easy enough.  But the collector at Charleston is collecting the duties imposed by these tariff laws.  He, therefore, must be stopped.  The collector will seize the goods if the tariff duties are not paid.  The State authorities will undertake their rescue, the marshal, with his posse, will come to the collector’s aid, and here the contest begins.  The militia of the State will be called out to sustain the nullifying act.  They will march, sir, under a very gallant leader; for I believe the honorable member himself commands the militia of that part of the State.  He will raise the nullifying act on his standard, and spread it out as his banner!  It will have a preamble, setting forth, that the tariff laws are palpable, deliberate, and dangerous violations of the Constitution!  He will proceed, with this banner flying, to the custom-house in Charleston,