I have never been conscious of greatness in Lord Northcliffe, but I have never failed to feel in his mind something unusual and remarkable.  He is not an impressive person, but he is certainly an interesting person.  One feels that he has preserved by some magic of temperament, not to be analyzed by the most skilful of psychologists, the spirit of boyhood.  You may notice this spirit quite visibly in his face.  The years leave few marks on his handsome countenance.  He loves to frown and depress his lips before the camera, for, like a child, he loves to play at being somebody else, and somebody else with him is Napoleon—­I am sure that he chose the title of Northcliffe so that he might sign his notes with the initial N—­but when he is walking in a garden, dressed in white flannels, and looking as if he had just come from a Turkish bath, he has all the appearance of a youth.  It is a tragedy that a smile so agreeable should give way at times to a frown as black as midnight; that the freshness of his complexion should yield to an almost jaundiced yellow; and that the fun and frolic of the spirit should flee away so suddenly and for such long periods before the witch of melancholy.

Of his part in the history of the world no historian will be able to speak with unqualified approval.  His political purpose from beginning to end, I am entirely convinced, has been to serve what he conceives to be the highest interests of his country.  I regard him in the matter of intention as one of the most honourable and courageous men of the day.  But he is reckless in the means he employs to achieve his ends.  I should say he has no moral scruples in a fight, none at all; I doubt very much if he ever asks himself if anything is right or wrong.  I should say that he has only one question to ask of fate before he strips for a fight—­is this thing going to be Success or Failure?

In many matters of great importance he has been right, so right that we are apt to forget the number of times he has been wrong.  Whether he may not be charged in some measure at least with the guilt of the war, whether he is not responsible for the great bitterness of international feelings which characterized Europe during the last twenty years, is a question that must be left to the historian.  But it is already apparent that for want of balance and a moral continuity in his direction of policy Lord Northcliffe has done nothing to elevate the public mind and much to degrade it.  He has jumped from sensation to sensation.  The opportunity for a fight has pleased him more than the object of the fight has inspired him.  He has never seen in the great body of English public opinion a spirit to be patiently and orderly educated towards noble ideals, but rather a herd to be stampeded of a sudden in the direction which he himself has as suddenly conceived to be the direction of success.

The true measure of his shortcomings may be best taken by seeing how a man exercising such enormous power, power repeated day by day, and almost at every hour of the day, might have prepared the way for disarmament and peace, might have modified the character of modern civilization, might have made ostentation look like a crime, might have brought capital and labour into a sensible partnership, and might have given to the moral ideals of the noblest sons of men if not an intellectual impulse at least a convincing advertisement.