Third Fact. The colored people bear up well under all these trying circumstances.  We should suppose they would be utterly discouraged, for they see little prospect of securing their rights as men and citizens, and even life and property are not safe.  They are allured to a change of location by flaming handbills, making tempting but deceptive offers of better wages and better homes.  They are hunted down and massacred, and yet their wrongs are unredressed.

But in spite of all this, they struggle on, constantly gaining property and homes, some of them acquiring wealth.  If they are deceived on reaching some new Eldorado, losing their all in making the change, they do not give up, but strike in again.  If they are not safe in some rural districts, they go to the cities.  But best of all, their educated men are showing great wisdom and moderation, as witness the calm and dispassionate action of the Convention of the most intelligent and influential colored men in Charleston, S.C., after the Barnwell massacre.  They passed resolutions of dignified condemnation of the wrong, yet urged their people to remain quiet, and let the proper authorities vindicate the law.  The forbearance of that meeting has won the commendations of leading white men in the South.

And here let us say, that the white people of the South make no greater mistake, than when they imagine that it is a dangerous thing to educate the colored people.  On the contrary, we believe that the facts make it manifest that it is by these educated men that their race will be guided wisely and safely through this great crisis, and that if a war of races is to be avoided, these educated colored men will be a grand factor in averting it.

Fourth Fact. It is conceded by all right-thinking people, that the education of the colored race is the only true solution of the Southern problem.  This has been declared in Presidential messages, in the utterances of such candid men as Dr. Curry, Dr. Haygood and Colonel Keating, by writers in all the Northern religious papers, and is, we believe, the accepted and settled opinion of Christian people at the North.  Everybody admits, also, that there is a crisis coming, and that what is done for Negro education must be done quickly.  The North has a duty in this matter, and admits it.  Our constituents have a special duty in the case, and they feel it.  They have done nobly in the past, and have assumed great responsibilities which cannot now be neglected or deferred.  But here is the strangest of all the facts in this series:  With the urgency before them, our constituents do not make a corresponding increase in their donations.

We feel impelled to urge this upon the attention of pastors, churches and individuals.  Brethren and friends, do not delay as in the case of slavery, till the conflict comes!  Do not expect that everybody else is doing what is needed.  The responsibility is personal and pressing, and each individual and church can meet it only by making larger gifts—­not from an impulse, but from a deliberate purpose formed under a sense of obligation to the Negro, the Nation and to Christ.