Back of our present educational system is the philosophy that sneers at the foolish Fathers who believed it self-evident, “that all men were created free and equal.”  Surely the overwhelming evidence is today that men are slaves and unequal.  But is it not education that is the creator of this freedom and equality?  Most men today cannot conceive of a freedom that does not involve somebody’s slavery.  They do not want equality because the thrill of their happiness comes from having things that others have not.  But may not human education fix the fine ideal of an equal maximum of freedom for every human soul combined with that minimum of slavery for each soul which the inexorable physical facts of the world impose—­rather than complete freedom for some and complete slavery for others; and, again, is not the equality toward which the world moves an equality of honor in the assigned human task itself rather than equal facility in doing different tasks?  Human equality is not lack of difference, nor do the infinite human differences argue relative superiority and inferiority.  And, again, how new an aspect human differences may assume when all men are educated.  Today we think of apes, semi-apes, and human beings; tomorrow we may think of Keir Hardies, Roosevelts, and Beethovens—­not equals but men.  Today we are forcing men into educational slavery in order that others may enjoy life, and excuse ourselves by saying that the world’s work must be done.  We are degrading some sorts of work by honoring others, and then expressing surprise that most people object to having their children trained solely to take up their father’s tasks.

Given as the ideal the utmost possible freedom for every human soul, with slavery for none, and equal honor for all necessary human tasks, then our problem of education is greatly simplified:  we aim to develop human souls; to make all intelligent; to discover special talents and genius.  With this course of training beginning in early childhood and never ceasing must go the technical training for the present world’s work according to carefully studied individual gifts and wishes.

On the other hand, if we arrange our system of education to develop workmen who will not strike and Negroes satisfied with their present place in the world, we have set ourselves a baffling task.  We find ourselves compelled to keep the masses ignorant and to curb our own thought and expression so as not to inflame the ignorant.  We force moderate reformers and men with new and valuable ideas to become red radicals and revolutionists, since that happens to be the only way to make the world listen to reason.  Consider our race problem in the South:  the South has invested in Negro ignorance; some Northerners proposed limited education, not, they explained, to better the Negro, but merely to make the investment more profitable to the present beneficiaries.  They thus gained wide Southern support for schools like Hampton and