Adhering, Sir, as I do, to this policy, as well as for the reasons I have just given, I think this new project of hedging in population to be neither prudent nor practicable.

To impoverish the colonies in general, and in particular to arrest the noble course of their marine enterprises, would be a more easy task.  I freely confess it.  We have shown a disposition to a system of this kind,—­a disposition even to continue the restraint after the offence,—­looking on ourselves as rivals to our colonies, and persuaded that of course we must gain all that they shall lose.  Much mischief we may certainly do.  The power inadequate to all other things is often more than sufficient for this.  I do not look on the direct and immediate power of the colonies to resist our violence as very formidable.  In this, however, I may be mistaken.  But when I consider that we have colonies for no purpose but to be serviceable to us, it seems to my poor understanding a little preposterous to make them unserviceable, in order to keep them obedient.  It is, in truth, nothing more than the old, and, as I thought, exploded problem of tyranny, which proposes to beggar its subjects into submission.  But remember, when you have completed your system of impoverishment, that Nature still proceeds in her ordinary course; that discontent will increase with misery; and that there are critical moments in the fortune of all states, when they who are too weak to contribute to your prosperity may be strong enough to complete your ruin. Spoliatis arma supersunt.

The temper and character which prevail in our colonies are, I am afraid, unalterable by any human art.  We cannot, I fear, falsify the pedigree of this fierce people, and persuade them that they are not sprung from a nation in whose veins the blood of freedom circulates.  The language in which they would hear you tell them this tale would detect the imposition; your speech would betray you.  An Englishman is the unfittest person on earth to argue another Englishman into slavery.

I think it is nearly as little in our power to change their republican religion as their free descent, or to substitute the Roman Catholic as a penalty, or the Church of England as an improvement.  The mode of inquisition and dragooning is going out of fashion in the Old World, and I should not confide much to their efficacy in the New.  The education of the Americans is also on the same unalterable bottom with their religion.  You cannot persuade them to burn their books of curious science, to banish their lawyers from their courts of law, or to quench the lights of their assemblies by refusing to choose those persons who are best read in their privileges.  It would be no less impracticable to think of wholly annihilating the popular assemblies in which these lawyers sit.  The army, by which we must govern in their place, would be far more chargeable to us, not quite so effectual, and perhaps, in the end, full as difficult to be kept in obedience.