by any man, either in America, which this letter is
meant to soothe, or in England, which it is meant
to deceive. It was impossible it should:
because every man, in the least acquainted with the
detail of commerce, must know that several of the
articles on which the tax was repealed were fitter
objects of duties than almost any other articles that
could possibly be chosen,—without comparison
more so than the tea that was left taxed, as infinitely
less liable to be eluded by contraband. The tax
upon red and white lead was of this nature. You
have in this kingdom an advantage in lead that amounts
to a monopoly. When you find yourself in this
situation of advantage, you sometimes venture to tax
even your own export. You did so soon after the
last war, when, upon this principle, you ventured
to impose a duty on coals. In all the articles
of American contraband trade, who ever heard of the
smuggling of red lead and white lead? You might,
therefore, well enough, without danger of contraband,
and without injury to commerce, (if this were the whole
consideration,) have taxed these commodities.
The same may be said of glass. Besides, some
of the things taxed were so trivial, that the loss
of the objects themselves, and their utter annihilation
out of American commerce, would have been comparatively
as nothing. But is the article of tea such an
object in the trade of England, as not to be felt,
or felt but slightly, like white lead, and red lead,
and painters’ colors? Tea is an object of
far other importance. Tea is perhaps the most
important object, taking it with its necessary connections,
of any in the mighty circle of our commerce.
If commercial principles had been the true motives
to the repeal, or had they been at all attended to,
tea would have been the last article we should have
left taxed for a subject of controversy.
Sir, it is not a pleasant consideration, but nothing
in the world can read so awful and so instructive
a lesson as the conduct of ministry in this business,
upon the mischief of not having large and liberal ideas
in the management of great affairs. Never have
the servants of the state looked at the whole of your
complicated interests in one connected view.
They have taken things by bits and scraps, some at
one time and one pretence, and some at another, just
as they pressed, without any sort of regard to their
relations or dependencies. They never had any
kind of system, right or wrong; but only invented
occasionally some miserable tale for the day, in order
meanly to sneak out of difficulties into which they
had proudly strutted. And they were put to all
these shifts and devices, full of meanness and full
of mischief, in order to pilfer piecemeal a repeal
of an act which they had not the generous courage,
when they found and felt their error, honorably and
fairly to disclaim. By such management, by the
irresistible operation of feeble councils, so paltry
a sum as three-pence in the eyes of a financier, so
insignificant an article as tea in the eyes of a philosopher,
have shaken the pillars of a commercial empire that
circled the whole globe.