I do not mean to commend either the spirit in this excess, or the moral causes which produce it.  Perhaps a more smooth and accommodating spirit of freedom in them would be more acceptable to us.  Perhaps ideas of liberty might be desired more reconcilable with an arbitrary and boundless authority.  Perhaps we might wish the colonists to be persuaded that their liberty is more secure when held in trust for them by us (as their guardians during a perpetual minority) than with any part of it in their own hands.  But the question is not, whether their spirit deserves praise or blame,—­what, in the name of God, shall we do with it?  You have before you the object, such as it is,—­with all its glories, with all its imperfections on its head.  You see the magnitude, the importance, the temper, the habits, the disorders.  By all these considerations we are strongly urged to determine something concerning it.  We are called upon to fix some rule and line for our future conduct, which may give a little stability to our politics, and prevent the return of such unhappy deliberations as the present.  Every such return will bring the matter before us in a still more untractable form.  For what astonishing and incredible things have we not seen already!  What monsters have not been generated from this unnatural contention!  Whilst every principle of authority and resistance has been pushed, upon both sides, as far as it would go, there is nothing so solid and certain, either in reasoning or in practice, that has not been shaken.  Until very lately, all authority in America seemed to be nothing but an emanation from yours.  Even the popular part of the colony constitution derived all its activity, and its first vital movement, from the pleasure of the crown.  We thought, Sir, that the utmost which the discontented colonists could do was to disturb authority; we never dreamt they could of themselves supply it, knowing in general what an operose business it is to establish a government absolutely new.  But having, for our purposes in this contention, resolved that none but an obedient assembly should sit, the humors of the people there, finding all passage through the legal channel stopped, with great violence broke out another way.  Some provinces have tried their experiment, as we have tried ours; and theirs has succeeded.  They have formed a government sufficient for its purposes, without the bustle of a revolution, or the troublesome formality of an election.  Evident necessity and tacit consent have done the business in an instant.  So well they have done it, that Lord Dunmore (the account is among the fragments on your table) tells you that the new institution is infinitely better obeyed than the ancient government ever was in its most fortunate periods.  Obedience is what makes government, and not the names by which it is called:  not the name of Governor, as formerly, or Committee, as at present.  This new government has originated directly from the people, and was not