Again, and again, revert to your old principles,—­seek peace and ensue it,—­leave America, if she has taxable matter in her, to tax herself.  I am not here going into the distinctions of rights, nor attempting to mark their boundaries.  I do not enter into these metaphysical distinctions; I hate the very sound of them.  Leave the Americans as they anciently stood, and these distinctions, born of our unhappy contest, will die along with it.  They and we, and their and our ancestors, have been happy under that system.  Let the memory of all actions in contradiction to that good old mode, on both sides, be extinguished forever.  Be content to bind America by laws of trade:  you have always done it.  Let this be your reason for binding their trade.  Do not burden them by taxes:  you were not used to do so from the beginning.  Let this be your reason for not taxing.  These are the arguments of states and kingdoms.  Leave the rest to the schools; for there only they may be discussed with safety.  But if, intemperately, unwisely, fatally, you sophisticate and poison the very source of government, by urging subtle deductions, and consequences odious to those you govern, from the unlimited and illimitable nature of supreme sovereignty, you will teach them by these means to call that sovereignty itself in question.  When you drive him hard, the boar will surely turn upon the hunters.  If that sovereignty and their freedom cannot be reconciled, which will they take?  They will cast your sovereignty in your face.  Nobody will be argued into slavery.  Sir, let the gentlemen on the other side call forth all their ability; let the best of them get up and tell me what one character of liberty the Americans have, and what one brand of slavery they are free from, if they are bound in their property and industry by all the restraints you can imagine on commerce, and at the same time are made pack-horses of every tax you choose to impose, without the least share in granting them.  When they bear the burdens of unlimited monopoly, will you bring them to bear the burdens of unlimited revenue too?  The Englishman in America will feel that this is slavery:  that it is legal slavery will be no compensation either to his feelings or his understanding.

A noble lord,[14] who spoke some time ago, is full of the fire of ingenuous youth; and when he has modelled the ideas of a lively imagination by further experience, he will be an ornament to his country in either House.  He has said that the Americans are our children, and how can they revolt against their parent?  He says, that, if they are not free in their present state, England is not free; because Manchester, and other considerable places, are not represented.  So, then, because some towns in England are not represented, America is to have no representative at all.  They are “our children”; but when children ask for bread, we are not to give a stone.  Is it because the natural resistance of things, and the