attachment to their power.  They were afraid it should be suspected that they did not mean blindly to support them in the use they made of that power.  They determined to show that they at least were set against reformation:  that they were firmly resolved to bring the territories, the trade, and the stock of the Company to ruin, rather than be wanting in fidelity to their nominal servants and real masters, in the ways they took to their private fortunes.

Even since the beginning of this session, the same act of audacity was repeated, with the same circumstances of contempt of all the decorum of inquiry on their part, and of all the proceedings of this House.  They again made it a request to their favorite, and your culprit, to keep his post,—­and thanked and applauded him, without calling for a paper which could afford light into the merit or demerit of the transaction, and without giving themselves a moment’s time to consider, or even to understand, the articles of the Mahratta peace.  The fact is, that for a long time there was a struggle, a faint one indeed, between the Company and their servants.  But it is a struggle no longer.  For some time the superiority has been decided.  The interests abroad are become the settled preponderating weight both in the Court of Proprietors and the Court of Directors.  Even the attempt you have made to inquire into their practices and to reform abuses has raised and piqued them to a far more regular and steady support.  The Company has made a common cause and identified themselves with the destroyers of India.  They have taken on themselves all that mass of enormity; they are supporting what you have reprobated; those you condemn they applaud, those you order home to answer for their conduct they request to stay, and thereby encourage to proceed in their practices.  Thus the servants of the East India Company triumph, and the representatives of the people of Great Britain are defeated.

I therefore conclude, what you all conclude, that this body, being totally perverted from the purposes of its institution, is utterly incorrigible; and because they are incorrigible, both in conduct and constitution, power ought to be taken out of their hands,—­just on the same principles on which have been made all the just changes and revolutions of government that have taken place since the beginning of the world.

I will now say a few words to the general principle of the plan which is set up against that of my right honorable friend.  It is to recommit the government of India to the Court of Directors.  Those who would commit the reformation of India to the destroyers of it are the enemies to that reformation.  They would make a distinction between Directors and Proprietors, which, in the present state of things, does not, cannot exist.  But a right honorable gentleman says, he would keep the present government of India in the Court of Directors, and would, to curb them, provide salutary regulations.  Wonderful!  That is,