indeed, of many parts; but they stand upon a few plain principles.  It is a plan which takes nothing from the civil list without discharging it of a burden equal to the sum carried to the public service.  It weakens no one function necessary to government; but, on the contrary, by appropriating supply to service, it gives it greater vigor.  It provides the means of order and foresight to a minister of finance, which may always keep all the objects of his office, and their state, condition, and relations, distinctly before him.  It brings forward accounts without hurrying and distressing the accountants:  whilst it provides for public convenience, it regards private rights.  It extinguishes secret corruption almost to the possibility of its existence.  It destroys direct and visible influence equal to the offices of at least fifty members of Parliament.  Lastly, it prevents the provision for his Majesty’s children from being diverted to the political purposes of his minister.

These are the points on which I rely for the merit of the plan.  I pursue economy in a secondary view, and only as it is connected with these great objects.  I am persuaded, that even for supply this scheme will be far from unfruitful, if it be executed to the extent I propose it.  I think it will give to the public, at its periods, two or three hundred thousand pounds a year; if not, it will give them a system of economy, which is itself a great revenue.  It gives me no little pride and satisfaction to find that the principles of my proceedings are in many respects the very same with those which are now pursued in the plans of the French minister of finance.  I am sure that I lay before you a scheme easy and practicable in all its parts.  I know it is common at once to applaud and to reject all attempts of this nature.  I know it is common for men to say, that such and such things are perfectly right, very desirable,—­but that, unfortunately, they are not practicable.  Oh, no, Sir! no!  Those things-which are not practicable are not desirable.  There is nothing in the world really beneficial that does not lie within the reach of an informed understanding and a well-directed pursuit.  There is nothing that God has judged good for us that He has not given us the means to accomplish, both in the natural and the moral world.  If we cry, like children, for the moon, like children we must cry on.

We must follow the nature of our affairs, and conform ourselves to our situation.  If we do, our objects are plain and compassable.  Why should we resolve to do nothing, because what I propose to you may not be the exact demand of the petition, when we are far from resolved to comply even with what evidently is so?  Does this sort of chicanery become us?  The people are the masters.  They have only to express their wants at large and in gross.  We are the expert artists, we are the skilful workmen, to shape their desires into perfect form, and to fit the utensil to the use.  They are the sufferers,