of all denominations which have been laid before us amount, for a period of seven years, to considerably more than 100,000_l._ a year.  To what the other lists amount I know not.  That will be seen hereafter.  But from those that do appear, a saving will accrue to the public, at one time or other, of 40,000_l._ a year; and we had better, in my opinion, to let it fall in naturally than to tear it crude and unripe from the stalk.[40]

There is a great deal of uneasiness among the people upon an article which I must class under the head of pensions:  I mean the great patent offices in the Exchequer.  They are in reality and substance no other than pensions, and in no other light shall I consider them.  They are sinecures; they are always executed by deputy; the duty of the principal is as nothing.  They differ, however, from the pensions on the list in some particulars.  They are held for life.  I think, with the public, that the profits of those places are grown enormous; the magnitude of those profits, and the nature of them, both call for reformation.  The nature of their profits, which grow out of the public distress, is itself invidious and grievous.  But I fear that reform cannot be immediate.  I find myself under a restriction.  These places, and others of the same kind, which are held for life, have been considered as property.  They have been given as a provision for children; they have been the subject of family settlements; they have been the security of creditors.  What the law respects shall be sacred to me.  If the barriers of law should be broken down, upon ideas of convenience, even of public convenience, we shall have no longer anything certain among us.  If the discretion of power is once let loose upon property, we can be at no loss to determine whose power and what discretion it is that will prevail at last.  It would be wise to attend upon the order of things, and not to attempt to outrun the slow, but smooth and even course of Nature.  There are occasions, I admit, of public necessity, so vast, so clear, so evident, that they supersede all laws.  Law, being only made for the benefit of the community, cannot in any one of its parts resist a demand which may comprehend the total of the public interest.  To be sure, no law can set itself up against the cause and reason of all law; but such a case very rarely happens, and this most certainly is not such a case.  The mere time of the reform is by no means worth the sacrifice of a principle of law.  Individuals pass like shadows; but the commonwealth is fixed and stable.  The difference, therefore, of to-day and to-morrow, which to private people is immense, to the state is nothing.  At any rate, it is better, if possible, to reconcile our economy with our laws than to set them at variance,—­a quarrel which in the end must be destructive to both.