I come next to the great supreme body of the civil government itself.  I approach it with that awe and reverence with which a young physician approaches to the cure of the disorders of his parent.  Disorders, Sir, and infirmities, there are,—­such disorders, that all attempts towards method, prudence, and frugality will be perfectly vain, whilst a system of confusion remains, which is not only alien, but adverse to all economy; a system which is not only prodigal in its very essence, but causes everything else which belongs to it to be prodigally conducted.

It is impossible, Sir, for any person to be an economist, where no order in payments is established; it is impossible for a man to be an economist, who is not able to take a comparative view of his means and of his expenses for the year which lies before him; it is impossible for a man to be an economist, under whom various officers in their several departments may spend—­even just what they please,—­and often with an emulation of expense, as contributing to the importance, if not profit of their several departments.  Thus much is certain:  that neither the present nor any other First Lord of the Treasury has been ever able to take a survey, or to make even a tolerable guess, of the expenses of government for any one year, so as to enable him with the least degree of certainty, or even probability, to bring his affairs within compass.  Whatever scheme may be formed upon them must be made on a calculation of chances.  As things are circumstanced, the First Lord of the Treasury cannot make an estimate.  I am sure I serve the king, and I am sure I assist administration, by putting economy at least in their power.  We must class services; we must (as far as their nature admits) appropriate funds; or everything, however reformed, will fall again into the old confusion.

Coming upon this ground of the civil list, the first thing in dignity and charge that attracts our notice is the royal household.  This establishment, in my opinion, is exceedingly abusive in its constitution.  It is formed upon manners and customs that have long since expired.  In the first place, it is formed, in many respects, upon feudal principles.  In the feudal times, it was not uncommon, even among subjects, for the lowest offices to be held by considerable persons,—­persons as unfit by their incapacity as improper from their rank to occupy such employments.  They were held by patent, sometimes for life, and sometimes by inheritance.  If my memory does not deceive me, a person of no slight consideration held the office of patent hereditary cook to an Earl of Warwick:  the Earl of Warwick’s soups, I fear, were not the better for the dignity of his kitchen.  I think it was an Earl of Gloucester who officiated as steward of the household to the Archbishops of Canterbury.  Instances of the same kind may in some degree be found in the Northumberland house-book, and other family records.  There was some reason in ancient necessities for these ancient customs.  Protection was wanted; and the domestic tie, though not the highest, was the closest.