What partiality, what objects of the politics of the House of Lancaster, or of Cromwell, has his present Majesty, or his Majesty’s family?  What power have they within any of these principalities, which they have not within their kingdom?  In what manner is the dignity of the nobility concerned in these principalities?  What rights have the subject there, which they have not at least equally in every other part of the nation?  These distinctions exist for no good end to the king, to the nobility, or to the people.  They ought not to exist at all.  If the crown (contrary to its nature, but most conformably to the whole tenor of the advice that has been lately given) should so far forget its dignity as to contend that these jurisdictions and revenues are estates of private property, I am rather for acting as if that groundless claim were of some weight than for giving up that essential part of the reform.  I would value the clear income, and give a clear annuity to the crown, taken on the medium produce for twenty years.

If the crown has any favorite name or title, if the subject has any matter of local accommodation within any of these jurisdictions, it is meant to preserve them,—­and to improve them, if any improvement can be suggested.  As to the crown reversions or titles upon the property of the people there, it is proposed to convert them from a snare to their independence into a relief from their burdens.  I propose, therefore, to unite all the five principalities to the crown, and to its ordinary jurisdiction,—­to abolish all those offices that produce an useless and chargeable separation from the body of the people,—­to compensate those who do not hold their offices (if any such there are) at the pleasure of the crown,—­to extinguish vexatious titles by an act of short limitation,—­to sell those unprofitable estates which support useless jurisdictions,—­and to turn the tenant-right into a fee, on such moderate terms as will be better for the state than its present right, and which it is impossible for any rational tenant to refuse.

As to the duchies, their judicial economy may be provided for without charge.  They have only to fall of course into the common county administration.  A commission more or less, made or omitted, settles the matter fully.  As to Wales, it has been proposed to add a judge to the several courts of Westminster Hall; and it has been considered as an improvement in itself.  For my part, I cannot pretend to speak upon it with clearness or with decision; but certainly this arrangement would be more than sufficient for Wales.  My original thought was, to suppress five of the eight judges; and to leave the chief-justice of Chester, with the two senior judges; and, to facilitate the business, to throw the twelve counties into six districts, holding the sessions alternately in the counties of which each district shall be composed.  But on this I shall be more clear, when I come to the particular bill.