parted with more, if more had been necessary; anything rather than a fruitless, hopeless, unnatural civil war.  This mode of yielding would, it is said, give way to independency without a war.  I am persuaded, from the nature of things, and from every information, that it would have had a directly contrary effect.  But if it had this effect, I confess that I should prefer independency without war to independency with it; and I have so much trust in the inclinations and prejudices of mankind, and so little in anything else, that I should expect ten times more benefit to this kingdom from the affection of America, though under a separate establishment, than from her perfect submission to the crown and Parliament, accompanied with her terror, disgust, and abhorrence.  Bodies tied together by so unnatural a bond of union as mutual hatred are only connected to their ruin.

One hundred and ten respectable members of Parliament voted for that concession.  Many not present when the motion was made were of the sentiments of those who voted.  I knew it would then have made peace.  I am not without hopes that it would do so at present, if it were adopted.  No benefit, no revenue, could be lost by it; something might possibly be gained by its consequences.  For be fully assured, that, of all the phantoms that ever deluded the fond hopes of a credulous world, a Parliamentary revenue in the colonies is the most perfectly chimerical.  Your breaking them to any subjection, far from relieving your burdens, (the pretext for this war,) will never pay that military force which will be kept up to the destruction of their liberties and yours.  I risk nothing in this prophecy.

* * * * *

Gentlemen, you have my opinions on the present state of public affairs.  Mean as they may be in themselves, your partiality has made them of some importance.  Without troubling myself to inquire whether I am under a formal obligation to it, I have a pleasure in accounting for my conduct to my constituents.  I feel warmly on this subject, and I express myself as I feel.  If I presume to blame any public proceeding, I cannot be supposed to be personal.  Would to God I could be suspected of it!  My fault might be greater, but the public calamity would be less extensive.  If my conduct has not been able to make any impression on the warm part of that ancient and powerful party with whose support I was not honored at my election, on my side, my respect, regard, and duty to them is not at all lessened.  I owe the gentlemen who compose it my most humble service in everything.  I hope that whenever any of them were pleased to command me, that they found me perfectly equal in my obedience.  But flattery and friendship are very different things; and to mislead is not to serve them.  I cannot purchase the favor of any man by concealing from him what I think his ruin.