age), but does not estimate the subsequent increase by marriage, and takes no account of the immigration prior to 1821, which was very large, especially in the period preceding the Revolutionary War of 1775-1782.  At the Census of 1900 Irishmen actually born in Ireland and then resident in the United States are stated to have been 1,618,567, as compared with 93,682 from Wales, 233,977 from Scotland, and 842,078 from England.

[41] I am especially indebted for information to Mr. Hugh Sutherland, of the North American (Philadelphia), to Mr. Rodman Wanamaker, of the same city, to Mr. Frank Sanborn, of Concord, and to Mr. John O’Callaghan, of Boston.

CHAPTER IX

IRELAND TO-DAY

Why does present-day Ireland need Home Rule?  I put the question in that way because I am not going to question the fact that she wants Home Rule.  She has always said she wanted it:  she says so still, and that is enough.  There is a powerful minority in Ireland against Home Rule.  There always have been minorities more or less powerful against Home Rule in all ages and places.  That does not alter the national character of the claim.  If once we go behind the voice of a people, constitutionally expressed, we court endless risks.  National leaders have always been called “agitators,” which, of course, they are, and non-representative agitators, which they are not.  To deny the genuineness of a claim which is feared is an invariable feature of oppositions to measures of Home Rule.  The denial is generally irreconcilable with the case made for the dangers of Home Rule, and that contradiction in its most glaring shape characterizes the present opposition to the Irish claims.  But Unionists should elect to stand on one ground or the other, and for my part I shall assume that the large majority of Irishmen, as shown by successive electoral votes, want Home Rule.  Precisely what form of Home Rule they want is another and by no means so clear a matter, on which I shall presently have a word to say.  But they want, in the general sense, to manage their own local affairs.  Her best friends would despair of Ireland if that was not her desire.

What, in the Colonies, Ireland, and everywhere else, is the deep spiritual impulse behind the desire for Home Rule?  A craving for self-expression, self-reliance.  Home Rule is synonymous with the growth of independent character.  That is why Ireland instinctively and passionately wants it, that is why she needs it, and that is why Great Britain, for her own sake, and Ireland’s, should give it.  If that is not the reason, it is idle to talk about Home Rule; but it is the reason.

Character is the very foundation of national prosperity and happiness, and we are blind to the facts of history if we cannot discern the profound effect of political institutions upon human character.  Self-government in the community corresponds to free will in the individual.  I am far from saying that self-government is everything.  But I do say that it is the master-key.  It is fundamental.  Give responsibility and you will create responsibility.  Through political responsibility only can a society brace itself to organized effort, find out its own opinions on its own needs, test its own capabilities, and elicit the will, the brains, and the hands to solve its own problems.