government more or less dangerous.  Each of these events was itself the climax of a long period of irresponsible misgovernment dating from about the same period, the second decade of the nineteenth century, and demanding the same remedy.  In the Boer case, continuity was twice broken by grants of independence, and the climax proportionally delayed, but the origin of the trouble was the same.  If the Boers had not trekked en masse from Cape Colony in order to escape from misgovernment, both movements—­in the Cape and Canada—­might have come to a head in exactly the same year, 1837.

In sober, weighty, tactful phrases, carefully chosen to avoid giving needless offence to the Dutch, the despatch laboriously overthrows the Liberal theory of government, and works out the negation of all Imperial experience.  It deplores the “bitter memories” of war, which free institutions, by tending to “emphasize and stereotype the racial line,” will make more, not less bitter, and which can be effaced only by the “healing effect of time.”  We think of the Durham Report, of Ireland, and marvel.  We recollect the bulky Blue-Book at Mr. Lyttelton’s elbow as he wrote, full of speeches and articles by Englishmen, showing quite correctly, as has since been proved, that the “racial line” in Johannesburg was growing fainter daily with the mere prospect of responsible government.  These men were not afraid of the Dutch, and said so.  The answer was that they ought to be, or, in the persuasive language of diplomacy, as follows: 

“His Majesty’s Government trust that those of British origin in the Transvaal who, with honest conviction, have advocated the immediate concession of full responsible government, will recognize the soundness and cogency of the reasons, both in their own interests and in those of the Empire, for proceeding more cautiously and slowly, and that under a political system which admittedly has its difficulties they will, notwithstanding a temporary disappointment, do their best to promote the welfare of the country and the smooth working of its institutions.”

Then came a chivalrous compliment to the Dutch for their “gallant struggle” in the war, coupled with a reminder that they are not to be trusted with political power, a reminder so courteously worded that it, too, becomes a compliment: 

“The inhabitants of Dutch origin have recently witnessed, after their gallant struggle against superior power, the fall of the Republic founded by the valour and sufferings of their ancestors, and cannot be expected, until time has done more to heal the wound, to entertain the most cordial feelings towards the Government of the Transvaal.  But from them also, as from a people of practical genius, who have learned by long experience to make the best of circumstances, His Majesty’s Government expect co-operation in the task of making their race, no longer in isolated independence, a strong pillar in the fabric of a world-wide Empire.  That this should be the result, and that a complete reconciliation between men of two great and kindred races should, under the leading of Divine Providence, speedily come to pass, is the ardent desire of His Majesty the King and of His Majesty’s Government.”