will believe also, that nothing but a firm combination
of public men against this body, and that, too, supported
by the hearty concurrence of the people at large,
can possibly get the better of it. The people
will see the necessity of restoring public men to
an attention to the public opinion, and of restoring
the constitution to its original principles.
Above all, they will endeavor to keep the House of
Commons from assuming a character which does not belong
to it. They will endeavor to keep that House,
for its existence, for its powers, and its privileges,
as independent of every other, and as dependent upon
themselves, as possible. This servitude is to
a House of Commons (like obedience to the Divine law)
“perfect freedom.” For if they once
quit this natural, rational, and liberal obedience,
having deserted the only proper foundation of their
power, they must seek a support in an abject and unnatural
dependence somewhere else. When, through the medium
of this just connection with their constituents, the
genuine dignity of the House of Commons is restored,
it will begin to think of casting from it, with scorn,
as badges of servility, all the false ornaments of
illegal power, with which it has been, for some time,
disgraced. It will begin to think of its old
office of CONTROL. It will not suffer that last
of evils to predominate in the country: men without
popular confidence, public opinion, natural connection,
or mutual trust, invested with all the powers of government.
When they have learned this lesson themselves, they
will be willing and able to teach the court, that
it is the true interest of the prince to have but
one administration; and that one composed of those
who recommend themselves to their sovereign through
the opinion of their country, and not by their obsequiousness
to a favorite. Such men will serve their sovereign
with affection and fidelity; because his choice of
them, upon such principles, is a compliment to their
virtue. They will be able to serve him effectually;
because they will add the weight of the country to
the force of the executory power. They will be
able to serve their king with dignity; because they
will never abuse his name to the gratification of
their private spleen or avarice. This, with allowances
for human frailty, may probably be the general character
of a ministry, which thinks itself accountable to
the House of Commons; when the House of Commons thinks
itself accountable to its constituents. If other
ideas should prevail, things must remain in their present
confusion, until they are hurried into all the rage
of civil violence, or until they sink into the dead
repose of despotism.
END OF VOL. I.
FOOTNOTES:
[102] Mem. de Sully, tom. i. p. 133.
[103] “Uxor Hugonis de Nevill dat Domino Regi
ducentas Gallinas, eo quod possit jacere una nocte
cum Domino suo Hugone de Nevill.”—Maddox,
Hist. Exch. c. xiii. p. 326.