All administrations have in their commercial regulations been generally aided by the opinion of some merchants; too frequently by that of a few, and those a sort of favorites:  they have been directed by the opinion of one or two merchants, who were to merit in flatteries, and to be paid in contracts; who frequently advised, not for the general good of trade, but for their private advantage.  During the administration of which this author complains, the meetings of merchants upon the business of trade were numerous and public; sometimes at the house of the Marquis of Rockingham; sometimes at Mr. Dowdeswell’s; sometimes at Sir George Savile’s, a house always open to every deliberation favorable to the liberty or the commerce of his country.  Nor were these meetings confined to the merchants of London.  Merchants and manufacturers were invited from all the considerable towns in England.  They conferred with the ministers and active members of Parliament.  No private views, no local interests prevailed.  Never were points in trade settled upon a larger scale of information.  They who attended these meetings well know what ministers they were who heard the most patiently, who comprehended the most clearly, and who provided the most wisely.  Let then this author and his friends still continue in possession of the practice of exalting their own abilities, in their pamphlets and in the newspapers.  They never will persuade the public, that the merchants of England were in a general confederacy to sacrifice their own interests to those of North America, and to destroy the vent of their own goods in favor of the manufactures of France and Holland.

Had the friends of this author taken these means of information, his extreme terrors of contraband in the West India islands would have been greatly quieted, and his objections to the opening of the ports would have ceased.  He would have learned, from the most satisfactory analysis of the West India trade, that we have the advantage in every essential article of it; and that almost every restriction on our communication with our neighbors there, is a restriction unfavorable to ourselves.

Such were the principles that guided, and the authority that sanctioned, these regulations.  No man ever said, that, in the multiplicity of regulations made in the administration of their predecessors, none were useful; some certainly were so; and I defy the author to show a commercial regulation of that period, which he can prove, from any authority except his own, to have a tendency beneficial to commerce, that has been repealed.  So far were that ministry from being guided by a spirit of contradiction or of innovation.

The author’s attack on that administration, for their neglect of our claims on foreign powers, is by much the most astonishing instance he has given, or that, I believe, any man ever did give, of an intrepid effrontery.  It relates to the Manilla ransom; to the Canada bills; and to the Russian treaty.  Could one imagine, that these very things, which he thus chooses to object to others, have been the principal subject of charge against his favorite ministry?  Instead of clearing them of these charges, he appears not so much as to have heard of them; but throws them directly upon the administration which succeeded to that of his friends.