they are already in general composed of his disciples and instruments, they may add to the public calamity of their own measures, the adoption of his projects.  But be the ministers what they may, the author knows that they could not avoid applying this 450,000_l._ to the service of the establishment, as faithfully as he, or any other minister, could do.  I say they could not avoid it, and have no merit at all for the application.  But supposing that they should greatly mismanage this revenue.  Here is a good deal of room for mistake and prodigality before you come to the edge of ruin.  The difference between the amount of that real and his imaginary revenue is, 150,000_l._ a year at least; a tolerable sum for them to play with:  this might compensate the difference between the author’s economy and their profusion; and still, notwithstanding their vices and ignorance, the nation might he saved.  The author ought also to recollect, that a good man would hardly deny, even to the worst of ministers, the means of doing their duty; especially in a crisis when our being depended on supplying them with some means or other.  In such a case their penury of mind, in discovering resources, would make it rather the more necessary, not to strip such poor providers of the little stock they had in hand.

Besides, here is another subject of distress, and a very serious one, which puts us again to a stand.  The author may possibly not come into power (I only state the possibility):  he may not always continue in it:  and if the contrary to all this should fortunately for us happen, what insurance on his life can be made for a sum adequate to his loss?  Then we are thus unluckily situated, that the chance of an American and Irish revenue of 300,000_l._ to be managed by him, is to save us from ruin two or three years hence at best, to make us happy at home and glorious abroad; and the actual possession of 400,000_l._ English taxes cannot so much as protract our ruin without him.  So we are staked on four chances; his power, its permanence, the success of his projects, and the duration of his life.  Any one of these failing, we are gone. Propria haec si dona fuissent! This is no unfair representation; ultimately all hangs on his life, because, in his account of every set of men that have held or supported administration, he finds neither virtue nor ability in any but himself.  Indeed he pays (through their measures) some compliments to Lord Bute and Lord Despenser.  But to the latter, this is, I suppose, but a civility to old acquaintance:  to the former, a little stroke of politics.  We may therefore fairly say, that our only hope is his life; and he has, to make it the more so, taken care to cut off any resource which we possessed independently of him.