tributary to France, and the descent of the crown dependent on her pleasure.  Ireland, in case of a war, to become a prey to France; and Great Britain, unable to recover Ireland, cede it by treaty,” (the author never can think of a treaty without making cessions,) “in order to purchase peace for herself.  The colonies left exposed to the ravages of a domestic, or the conquest of a foreign enemy.”—­Gloomy enough, God knows.  The author well observes,[67] that a mind not totally devoid of feeling cannot look upon such a prospect without horror; and an heart capable of humanity must be unable to hear its description.  He ought to have added, that no man of common discretion ought to have exhibited it to the public, if it were true; or of common honesty, if it were false.

But now for the comfort; the day-star which is to arise in our hearts; the author’s grand scheme for totally reversing this dismal state of things, and making us[68] “happy at home and respected abroad, formidable in war and flourishing in peace.”

In this great work he proceeds with a facility equally astonishing and pleasing.  Never was financier less embarrassed by the burden of establishments, or with the difficulty of finding ways and means.  If an establishment is troublesome to him, he lops off at a stroke just as much of it as he chooses.  He mows down, without giving quarter, or assigning reason, army, navy, ordnance, ordinary, extraordinaries; nothing can stand before him.  Then, when he comes to provide, Amalthea’s horn is in his hands; and he pours out with an inexhaustible bounty, taxes, duties, loans, and revenues, without uneasiness to himself, or burden to the public.  Insomuch that, when we consider the abundance of his resources, we cannot avoid being surprised at his extraordinary attention to savings.  But it is all the exuberance of his goodness.

This book has so much of a certain tone of power, that one would be almost tempted to think it written by some person who had been high in office.  A man is generally rendered somewhat a worse reasoner for having been a minister.  In private, the assent of listening and obsequious friends; in public, the venal cry and prepared vote of a passive senate, confirm him in habits of begging the question with impunity, and asserting without thinking himself obliged to prove.  Had it not been for some such habits, the author could never have expected that we should take his estimate for a peace establishment solely on his word.

This estimate which he gives,[69] is the great groundwork of his plan for the national redemption; and it ought to be well and firmly laid, or what must become of the superstructure?  One would have thought the natural method in a plan of reformation would be, to take the present existing estimates as they stand; and then to show what may be practicably and safely defalcated from them.  This would, I say, be the natural course; and what would be expected from a man