Camden and seen ‘Ark Regis’ staring us
full in the face.” Freeman did not know
the meaning of historical research as conducted by
a real scholar like Froude. Froude had not gone
to Camden, who in Freeman’s eyes represented
the utmost stretch of Elizabethan learning. If
Freeman had had more natural shrewdness, it might
have occurred to him that the name of a great seaman
was not an unlikely name for a ship. But he could
never fall lightly, and heavily indeed did he fall
on this occasion. With almost incredible fatuity,
he wrote, “The puzzle of guessing how Mr. Froude
got at so grotesque a union of words as ‘Ark
Raleigh’ fades before the greater puzzle of
guessing what idea he attached to the words ‘Ark
Raleigh’ when he had got them together.”
When Freeman was most hopelessly wrong he always began
to parody Macaulay. Corruptio optimi pessima.
“Ark Raleigh” means Raleigh’s ship,
and Froude took the name, “Ark Rawlie”
as it was then spelt, from the manuscripts at the
Rolls House. He was of course right, and Freeman
was wrong. But that is not all. Freeman could
easily have put himself right if he had chosen to
take the trouble. Edwards’s Life of Raleigh
appeared in 1868, and a copy of it is in Freeman’s
library at Owens College. Edwards gives an account
of the Ark Raleigh, which was built for Sir Humphrey
Gilbert, Raleigh advancing two hundred pounds.
Freeman, however, need not have read this book to find
out the truth. For “the Ark Raleigh”
occurs fourteen times in a Calendar of Manuscripts
from 1581 to 1590, published by Robert Lemon in 1865.
When Freeman was brought to book, and taxed with this
gross blunder, he pleaded that he “did a true
verdict give according to such evidence as came before
him.” The implied analogy is misleading.
Jurymen are bound by their oaths, and by their duty,
to find a verdict one way or the other. Freeman
was under no obligation to say anything about the
Ark Raleigh. Prudence and ignorance might well
have restrained his pen.
Two blots in Froude’s History Freeman may, I
think, be acknowledged to have hit. One was intellectual;
the other was moral. It was pure childishness
to suggest that Froude had never heard of the peine
forte et dure, and only invincible prejudice could
have dictated such a sentence as “That Mr. Froude’s
law would be queer might be taken as a matter of course."*
Still, it is true, and a serious misfortune, that
Froude took very little interest in legal and constitutional
questions. For, while they had not the same importance
in the sixteenth century as they had in the seventeenth,
they cannot be disregarded to the extent in which
Froude disregarded them without detracting from the
value of his book as a whole. He did not sit
down, like Hallam, to write a constitutional history,
and he could not be expected to deal with his subject
from that special point of view. Freeman’s
complaint, which is quite just, was that he neglected
almost entirely the relations of the Crown with the