“April 30th, 1877.—­You destroy the last hope to which I had clung, that Lord Derby, though opposed to Russian policy, would not consent to go to war with her.  I remain of my old opinion that England (foolishly excited as it always when fighting is going on) will in the long run resent the absurdity and punish the criminality of taking arms in a worthless cause.  I am sick of heart at the thought of what is coming, here as well as on the Continent.  I have begged Carlyle to write a last appeal to The Times.  We must agitate in the great towns, we must protest against what we may be unable to prevent.  The Crimean War was innocent compared to what is now threatened, yet three years ago there was scarcely a person in England who did not admit that it was a mistake.  I do not know what may be the verdict of the public about a repetition of it at the present moment.  I know but too well what will be the verdict five years hence, and the fate which will overtake those who, with however good a motive, are courting the ruin of their party.”

“December 22nd, 1877.—–­The passion for interference in defence of the Turks seems limited (as I was always convinced that it was) to the idle educated classes.  The public meetings which have been, or are to be, go the other way, or at least are against our taking a part on the Turkish side.  The demonstrations which Lord B. expected to follow on the first Russian success have not followed.  The Telegraph and Morning Post have used their whips on the dead Crimean horse, but it will not stir for them.  It will not stir even for the third volume of the Prince Consort’s Life.  But I am very sorry about it all, for the damage to the Conservative party from the lost opportunity of playing a great and honourable part is, I fear, irretrievable.”

“December 27th, 1877.—­The accounts from Bulgaria and Armenia turn me sick.  These sheep, what have they done?  Diplomalists quarrel, and the people suffer.  The management of human affairs will be much improved when the people tell their respective Cabinets that if there is fighting to be done the Cabinets must fight themselves, and that the result shall be accepted as final.  Nine out of ten great wars might have been settled that way with equal advantage so far as the consequences were concerned, and to the infinite relief of poor humanity.”

“March 10th, 1878.—­I met Lord D. at the club the other night.  He looked As Prometheus might have looked when he was ‘Unbound.’  He was in excellent spirits and talked brilliantly.  Not one allusion to the East, but I guessed that he had a mind at ease.”

“April 8th, 1878.—­I wish I knew whether the Cabinet has determined on forcing war upon Russia at all events, or if Russia consents to go into the Conference on the English terms; the Cabinet will then bona fide endeavour after an equitable and honourable settlement.  Lord B.’s antecedents all point to a determination to make any settlement impossible.  He has succeeded so far without provoking the other Powers, but such a game is surely dangerous, backed though he by every fool and knave in England.”