in by a compromise without a contest.  But it appeared doubtful afterwards whether the Liberals would consent to this without fuller pledges than I could consent to give.  I was asked if I would stand anyhow (contest or not), or whether I would allow myself to be nominated in their interest for any other place when a vacancy should occur.  I said, No. (I would stand a contest on the Conservative side, if on any.) I was neither Conservative nor Liberal per se, but would not oppose Mr. D’Israeli.  So there this matter lies, unless your people have as good an opinion of me as the others, and want a candidate of my lax description.  But indeed I have no wish to go into Parliament.  I am too old to begin a Parliamentary life, and infinitely prefer making myself of use to the Conservative side in some other way ....  I am at Lord Carnarvon’s service if he wishes me to go on with his Colonial affairs.  I came home from the Cape to be of use to him.”

The Colonial policy of the Liberals Froude had always regarded with suspicion.  Even Lord Kimberley’s grant of a constitution to the Cape he interpreted as showing a centrifugal tendency, and Cardwell’s withdrawal of troops from Canada was all of a piece.  Disraeli, on the other hand, who never did anything for the Colonies, had been making a speech about them at Manchester, wherein all manner of Colonial possibilities were suggested.  They did not go, if they were ever intended to go, beyond suggestion, and in 1876 the sudden crisis in Eastern affairs superseded all other topics of political interest.

When the Eastern Question was first raised, Froude had taken the side of the Government.

“I like Lord Derby’s speech,” he wrote to Lady Derby on the 19th of September, 1876, “to the Working Men’s Association.  So I think the country will when it recovers from its present intoxication.  Violent passions which rise suddenly generally sink as fast if there is no real reason for them.  It is impossible that the people can fail to recollect in a little while that the reticence of which they complain is under the circumstances inevitable.

“Gladstone and his satellites are using their opportunities, however, with thorough unscrupulousness.  It is possible that they may force an Autumn Session, and even force the Ministry to resign-but woe to themselves if they do.  They will promise what cannot be carried out, and will perhaps, in fine retribution for the Crimean War, bring the Russians to Constantinople.  It will not be a bad thing in itself, but there will be an end of the English Minister who brings it about.”

Again, three days later, to the same correspondent: 

“I admire the Premier’s speech.  It is what I expected of him.  The Liberal leaders are behaving scandalously, with the exception perhaps of Lord Hartington.  The Cabinet I trust will now decide on an Autumn Session to remove so critical a matter out of the hands of irresponsible mobs.  I was surprised to hear the war in Servia attributed to the secret societies.  Cluseret I know has intended to ask for service with Turkey, with a view to a war, against Russia, and has been withheld only by some differences with General Klapha, the Turco-Hungarian, from doing so.  I had a long letter from him to-day, in which he expresses his restlessness characteristically, J’ai la nostalgic de la poudre.”