to my mind that where life is held to be of such little value there is even less assurance that the laws will protect property.  As I understand it the States, not the national government, control in such matters, and where those laws are strongest there is the best field for British capital.”

Probably the most bitter attack on the antilynching committee has come from the London Times.  Those Southern Governors who had their bombastic letters published in the Times, with favorable editorial comment, may have had their laugh at the antilynchers here too soon.  A few days ago, in commenting on an interesting communication from Richard H. Edmonds, editor of the Manufacturer’s Record, setting forth the industrial advantages of the Southern States, which was published in its columns, the Times says: 

Without in any way countenancing the impertinence of “antilynching” committee, we may say that a state of things in which the killing of Negroes by bloodthirsty mobs is an incident of not unfrequent occurrence is not conducive to success in industry.  Its existence, however, is a serious obstacle to the success of the South in industry; for even now Negro labor, which means at best inefficient labor, must be largely relied on there, and its efficiency must be still further diminished by spasmodic terrorism.

Those interested in the development of the resources of the Southern States, and no one in proportion to his means has shown more faith in the progress of the South than the writer of this article, must take hold of this matter earnestly and intelligently.  Sneering at the antilynching committee will do no good.  Back of them, in fact, if not in form, is the public opinion of Great Britain.  Even the Times cannot deny this.  It may not be generally known in the United States, but while the Southern and some of the Northern newspapers are making a target of Miss Wells, the young colored woman who started this English movement, and cracking their jokes at the expense of Miss Florence Balgarnie, who, as honorable secretary, conducts the committee’s correspondence, the strongest sort of sentiment is really at the back of the movement.  Here we have crystallized every phase of political opinion.  Extreme Unionists like the Duke of Argyll and advanced home rulers such as Justin McCarthy; Thomas Burt, the labor leader; Herbert Burrows, the Socialist, and Tom Mann, representing all phases of the Labor party, are cooperating with conservatives like Sir T. Eldon Gorst.  But the real strength of this committee is not visible to the casual observer.  As a matter of fact it represents many of the leading and most powerful British journals.  A.E.  Fletcher is editor of the London Daily Chronicle; P.W.  Clayden is prominent in the counsels of the London Daily News; Professor James Stuart is Gladstone’s great friend and editor of the London Star, William Byles is editor and