The Union, lastly, whilst it increases the power of the whole United Kingdom, provides the means of carrying out, and of carrying out with due regard to justice, any reform, innovation, or if you please revolution, required for the prosperity of the Irish people.  The duty, it has been laid down, of an English Minister is to effect by his policy all those changes in Ireland which a revolution would effect by force.  The maxim comes from a strange quarter, but the doctrine of Disraeli sums up on this matter the teaching of Mill and De Beaumont, and it is absolutely sound if you add to it the implied condition that an English Minister, whilst aiming at the ends of a wise revolutionist, must pay a respect to the demands of justice not always evinced by the revolutionary spirit.  But to put in force a policy of just revolution, nothing is so necessary as the combination of resistless power with infinite wealth.  This is exactly what the government of the United Kingdom can, and no Irish government could, supply.  Mr. Gladstone and his followers fully admit this, and the Land Purchase Bill was the sign of their conviction that the policy of Home Rule itself needs for its success and justification the power to draw upon the wealth of the United Kingdom.  Let the United Kingdom, it is said in effect, pay fifty millions, that without any injustice to Irish landlords Irish tenants may be turned into landowners, and may then enjoy the blessings of Home Rule, freed from all temptation to use legislative power for purposes of confiscation.  The advice may in one sense be sound, but prudence suggests that if the fifty millions are to be expended, it were best first to settle the agrarian feud, and then to see whether the demand for Home Rule would not die a natural death.  French peasants were Jacobins until the revolution secured to them the soil of France.  The same men when transformed into landed proprietors became the staunch opponents of Jacobinism.  It is in any case the interest of England to see whether, say in a generation, the existing or further changes in the tenure of land may not avert all necessity or demand for changes in the constitution.  Interest here coincides with duty.  No scheme whether of Home Rule or of Irish independence has been proposed, nor, it may be said with confidence, ever can be proposed, which, disguise the matter as you will, does not savour of treachery to thousands of Irishmen who have performed the duties and claim to retain the rights of citizens of the United Kingdom.  The worst delusion of the revolutionary spirit is the notion that justice to the people may be based upon injustice to individuals.  Protestants have not more, but neither have they less, claim to protection from the State than Catholics.  Even landowners are not of necessity wrong-doers.  Rent is a debt, and it may occasionally be the duty, even of a tenant, to pay his creditor.  An insolvent debtor has, however excusable or pitiable his position,