sovereigns, with its kings, princes, and free towns,
is something to which there is absolutely nothing
to correspond in the present condition or in the historical
development of England. The German Empire is
the natural though strange growth of a special and
strange history. The sober English statesmen who
advocate Home Rule assuredly never dreamt any dream
so wild as that the Imperial Federalism of Germany
could in any way be reproduced in the United Kingdom.
But if this be so, it is a little difficult to understand
references to the lessons to be drawn from the position
of such countries as Bavaria. For the difficulty
of applying German precedents to proposed innovations
in the English constitution lies far deeper than the
unsuitability to England of the forms of German Imperialism.
The condition which has given birth to the present
German Empire is that in Germany the sentiment of
nationality has overridden the political divisions
which broke up Germany into almost disconnected and
often hostile States. In Germany the popular
passion for unity has compelled the formation of a
United Empire. This sentiment, and not the cumbersome
device of an ill-arranged constitution, prevents Bavaria
from using her independence in a manner inconsistent
with the unity of the Empire. The force which
tends towards unity is constantly on the increase.
The Empire has the legal means of diminishing or indeed
of destroying the independence of the States, and
should the independence of a State ever come into
conflict with the unity of the nation State rights
will not, we may be sure, win the day. Nor, further,
is it any accident that Bismarck whilst tolerating
the existence of Parliaments will not tolerate the
introduction of Parliamentary government. The
acquiescence of Liberals in the evils of personal
rule is due to the consciousness that the real authority
of the Emperor is necessary for the unity of the Empire.
Contrast all this with the condition of things under
which Englishmen are adjured to concede a Parliament
to Ireland. The leading features of the case,
according at any rate to Home Rulers, are that Parliament
is too weak to withstand the pressure exercised by
eighty-six obstructives, and that Ireland, no less,
as we are now at last frankly told, than Scotland
and Wales, desires to relax the bonds of national unity.
We are advised to dissolve the United Kingdom into
a confederacy because Germany, through a clumsy form
of confederacy, is growing into a united empire.
This counsel confuses the stages of imperfect development
with the stage of incipient decay; it ascribes to
the childishness of approaching senility the hopes
which are proper to the childishness of early youth.
The point is worth pressing. The considerations
which govern a confederacy as it is developing into
a nation are very different from the considerations
applicable to a full grown nation when threatened
with dismemberment into a confederacy.