of Victoria, Ireland, the poorest of all civilized countries, must be freed from Imperial taxation, which would not be tolerated by the richest of our colonies.  To this conclusion the advocates and the opponents of Home Rule may, I think, both come without grave dissatisfaction.  Of all the sacrifices by which Ireland might be benefited, that sacrifice which England should make with the least regret is sacrifice of revenue.  If, however, it be assumed, as the supporters of the Government of Ireland Bill must assume, that justice requires the contribution by Ireland of three or four millions annually to Imperial expenditure, then the Gladstonian Constitution, if it provides for the satisfaction of the claims of Great Britain, does so at the cost of keeping alive Irish discontent.  Nor is it at all certain that the payment of the tribute could in effect be easily secured.  The practical working of the Constitution might well be that Great Britain were impoverished and Ireland were angered.

Justice to individuals and to unpopular minorities is a matter of far greater importance and far more difficult to secure than the regular payment of Ireland’s contribution to Imperial expenditure.

The Gladstonian Constitution ought to provide securities against executive and legislative oppression.

To provide however against the possible oppression of classes or individuals by an Irish Ministry and Irish officials is all but an impossibility, though, as every one knows, the grossest oppression may in any country arise from the wrongful action or inaction of the executive power.  The assumption, indeed, is constantly made, though its truth is very hard to prove, that if Ireland were self-governed the law of the land would be enforced.  In one sense this assumption may perhaps be well founded.  A strong government, or, to put matters plainly, a popular despotism when installed in office at Dublin would, it may be suspected, stringently compel obedience to such laws as the Government approved.  The Jacobin Club was no friend to anarchy when anarchy meant defiance of the mandates issued by the Club.  But the energy of a strong Government in carrying out laws which it approves is a different matter from the zealous maintenance of even-handed justice.  An Irish executive will immediately on coming into existence be called upon to deal with cases which will severely test its sense of justice.  Landlords cannot at once be banished like vermin from Ireland; landlords, as long as they exist, must, I presume, have some rights.  Is there any security under the Gladstonian Constitution, that the rights—­rights, be it remembered, of British subjects, which ought to be neither more nor less sacred than the rights of a British subject in London or Calcutta—­will be protected by an executive of Land Leaguers?  There is, I answer, none whatever.  To distrust the justice of an Irish Government is not, be it remarked, to show any special distrust of Irish nature.