of European development, but an appanage of England, an island beyond an island, a mere geographical expression in the titles of the conqueror.  Louis XIV, came nearest, perhaps, of European rulers to realizing its importance in the conflict of European interests when he sought to establish James II on its throne as rival to the monarch of Great Britain and counterpoise to the British sovereignty in the western seas.  Montesquieu alone of French writers grasped the importance of Ireland in the international affairs of his time, and he blames the vacillation of Louis, who failed to put forth his strength, to establish James upon the throne of Ireland and thus by a successful act of perpetual separation to affaiblir le voisin.  Napoleon, too late, in St. Helena, realized his error:  “Had I gone to Ireland instead of to Egypt the Empire of England was at an end.”

With these two utterances of the French writer and of the French ruler we begin and end the reference of Ireland to European affairs which continental statecraft has up to now emitted, and so far has failed to apply.

To-day there is probably no European thinker (although Germany produced one in recent times), who, when he faces the over-powering supremacy of Great Britain’s influence in world affairs and the relative subordination of European rights to the asserted interests of that small island, gives a thought to the other and smaller island beyond its shores.  And yet the key to British supremacy lies there.  Perhaps the one latter day European who perceived the true relation of Ireland to Great Britain was Neibuhr.

“Should England,” he said, “not change her conduct, Ireland may still for a long period belong to her, but not always; and the loss of that country is the death day, not only to her greatness, but of her very existence.”

I propose to point out as briefly as may be possible in dealing with so unexpected a proposition, that the restoration of Ireland to European life lies at the bottom of all successful European effort to break the bonds that now shackle every continental people that would assert itself and extend its ideals, as opposed to British interests, outside the limits of Europe.

It may be well first to define “British interests” and to show that these are not necessarily synonymous with European interests.  British interests are:  first, the control of all the seas of all the world—­in full military and commercial control.  If this be not challenged peace is permitted:  to dispute it seriously means war.

Next in order of British interests stands the right of pre-emption to all healthy, fertile, “unoccupied” lands of the globe not already in possession of a people capable of seriously disputing invasion, with the right of reversion to such other regions as may, from time to time prove commercially desirable or financially exploitable, whether suitable for British colonization or not.