The chief danger to this purpose of the Republican party is not just now the revival of the African slave-trade, or the passage of a Congressional slave-code ... but the most imminent danger that now threatens that purpose is that insidious Douglas popular sovereignty.  This is the miner and sapper.  While it does not propose to revive the African slave-trade, nor to pass a slave-code, nor to make a second Dred Scott decision, it is preparing us for the onslaught and charge of these ultimate enemies when they shall be ready to come on, and the word of command for them to advance shall be given.  I say this Douglas popular sovereignty—­for there is a broad distinction, as I now understand it, between that article and a genuine popular sovereignty.

I believe there is a genuine popular sovereignty.  I think a definition of genuine popular sovereignty in the abstract would be about this:  that each man shall do precisely as he pleases with himself, and with all those things which exclusively concern him.  Applied to governments, this principle would be, that a general government shall do all those things which pertain to it; and all the local governments shall do precisely as they please in respect to those matters which exclusively concern them.  I understand that this government of the United States under which we live, is based upon this principle; and I am misunderstood if it is supposed that I have any war to make upon that principle.

Now, what is Judge Douglas’s popular sovereignty?  It is, as a principle, no other than that if one man chooses to make a slave of another man, neither that other man nor anybody else has a right to object.  Applied in government, as he seeks to apply it, it is this:  If, in a new Territory into which a few people are beginning to enter for the purpose of making their homes, they choose to either exclude slavery from their limits or to establish it there, however one or the other may affect the persons to be enslaved, or the infinitely greater number of persons who are afterward to inhabit that Territory, or the other members of the families of communities of which they are but an incipient member, or the general head of the family of States as parent of all,—­however their action may affect one or the other of these, there is no power or right to interfere.  That is Douglas popular sovereignty applied.

...  I cannot but express my gratitude that this true view of this element of discord among us, as I believe it is, is attracting more and more attention.  I do not believe that Governor Seward uttered that sentiment because I had done so before, but because he reflected upon this subject, and saw the truth of it.  Nor do I believe, because Governor Seward or I uttered it, that Mr. Hickman of Pennsylvania, in different language, since that time, has declared his belief in the utter antagonism which exists between the principles of liberty and slavery.  You see we are multiplying.  Now, while I am speaking of Hickman, let me say, I know but little about him.  I have never seen him, and know scarcely anything about the man; but I will say this much about him:  of all the anti-Lecompton Democracy that have been brought to my notice, he alone has the true, genuine ring of the metal.