Speeches and Letters of Abraham Lincoln, 1832-1865 eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 305 pages of information about Speeches and Letters of Abraham Lincoln, 1832-1865.

Speeches and Letters of Abraham Lincoln, 1832-1865 eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 305 pages of information about Speeches and Letters of Abraham Lincoln, 1832-1865.

And not only so, but the framers of the Constitution were particular to keep out of that instrument the word “slave,” the reason being that slavery would ultimately come to an end, and they did not wish to have any reminder that in this free country human beings were ever prostituted to slavery. [Applause.] Nor is it any argument that we are superior and the negro inferior—­that he has but one talent while we have ten.  Let the negro possess the little he has in independence; if he has but one talent, he should be permitted to keep the little he has. [Applause.] But slavery will endure no test of reason or logic; and yet its advocates, like Douglas, use a sort of bastard logic, or noisy assumption, it might better be termed, like the above, in order to prepare the mind for the gradual, but none the less certain, encroachments of the Moloch of slavery upon, the fair domain of freedom.  But however much you may argue upon it, or smother it in soft phrases, slavery can only be maintained by force—­by violence.  The repeal of the Missouri Compromise was by violence.  It was a violation of both law and the sacred obligations of honour, to overthrow and trample underfoot a solemn compromise, obtained by the fearful loss to freedom of one of the fairest of our Western domains.  Congress violated the will and confidence of its constituents in voting for the bill; and while public sentiment, as shown by the elections of 1854, demanded the restoration of this compromise, Congress violated its trust by refusing, simply because it had the force of numbers to hold on to it.  And murderous violence is being used now, in order to force slavery on to Kansas; for it cannot be done in any other way. [Sensation.]

The necessary result was to establish the rule of violence—­force, instead of the rule of law and reason; to perpetuate and spread slavery, and, in time, to make it general.  We see it at both ends of the line.  In Washington, on the very spot where the outrage was started, the fearless Sumner is beaten to insensibility, and is now slowly dying; while senators who claim to be gentlemen and Christians stood by, countenancing the act, and even applauding it afterward in their places in the Senate.  Even Douglas, our man, saw it all and was within helping distance, yet let the murderous blows fall unopposed.  Then, at the other end of the line, at the very time Sumner was being murdered, Lawrence was being destroyed for the crime of Freedom.  It was the most prominent stronghold of liberty in Kansas, and must give way to the all-dominating power of slavery.  Only two days ago, Judge Trumbull found it necessary to propose a bill in the Senate to prevent a general civil war and to restore peace in Kansas.

We live in the midst of alarms; anxiety beclouds the future; we expect some new disaster with each newspaper we read.  Are we in a healthful political state?  Are not the tendencies plain?  Do not the signs of the times point plainly the way in which we are going? [Sensation.]

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Speeches and Letters of Abraham Lincoln, 1832-1865 from Project Gutenberg. Public domain.