One-eighth of the whole population were coloured slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the southern part of it.  These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest.  All knew that this interest was, somehow, the cause of the war.  To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union, even by war; while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it....

With malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right,—­let us strive on to finish the work we are in:  to bind up the nation’s wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow and his orphan; to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves, and with all nations.

A Letter to Thurlow Weed.  Executive Mansion, Washington.  March 15, 1865

Dear Mr. Weed, Every one likes a compliment.  Thank you for yours on my little notification speech and on the recent inaugural address.  I expect the latter to wear as well as—­perhaps better than—­anything I have produced; but I believe it is not immediately popular.  Men are not flattered by being shown that there has been a difference of purpose between the Almighty and them.  To deny it, however, in this case, is to deny that there is a God governing the world.  It is a truth which I thought needed to be told, and, as whatever of humiliation there is in it falls most directly on myself, I thought others might afford for me to tell it.

     Truly yours,
       A. LINCOLN.

From an Address to an Indiana Regiment.  March 17, 1865

There are but few aspects of this great war on which I have not already expressed my views by speaking or writing.  There is one—­the recent effort of “Our erring brethren,” sometimes so called, to employ the slaves in their armies.  The great question with them has been, “Will the negro fight for them?” They ought to know better than we, and doubtless do know better than we.  I may incidentally remark, that having in my life heard many arguments—­or strings of words meant to pass for arguments—­intended to show that the negro ought to be a slave,—­if he shall now really fight to keep himself a slave, it will be a far better argument why he should remain a slave than I have ever before heard.  He, perhaps, ought to be a slave if he desires it ardently enough to fight for it.  Or, if one out of four will, for his own freedom fight to keep the other three in slavery, he ought to be a slave for his selfish meanness.  I have always thought that all men should be free; but if any should be slaves, it should be first those who desire it for themselves, and secondly those who desire it for others.  Whenever I hear any one arguing for slavery, I feel a strong impulse to see it tried on him personally.