emancipation in any State, and for a long time it had been hoped that the rebellion could be suppressed without resorting to it as a military measure.  It was all the while deemed possible that the necessity for it might come and that, if it should, the crisis of the contest would then be presented.  It came, and, as was anticipated, was followed by dark and doubtful days.  Eleven months having now passed, we are permitted to take another review.  The rebel borders are pressed still farther back, and by the complete opening of the Mississippi, the country dominated by the rebellion is divided into distinct parts, with no practical communication between them.  Tennessee and Arkansas have been substantially cleared of insurgent control, and influential citizens in each, owners of slaves and advocates of slavery at the beginning of the rebellion, now declare openly for emancipation in their respective States.  Of those States not included in the Emancipation Proclamation, Maryland and Missouri, neither of which three years ago would tolerate any restraint upon the extension of slavery into new Territories, only dispute now as to the best mode of removing it within their own limits.

Of those who were slaves at the beginning of the rebellion, full one hundred thousand are now in the United States military service, about one-half of which number actually bear arms in the ranks; thus giving the double advantage of taking so much labour from the insurgent cause and supplying the places which otherwise must be filled with so many white men.  So far as tested, it is difficult to say they are not as good soldiers as any.  No servile insurrection or tendency to violence or cruelty has marked the measures of emancipation and arming the blacks.  These measures have been much discussed in foreign countries, and contemporary with such discussion the tone of public sentiment there is much improved.  At home the same measures have been fully discussed, supported, criticized, and denounced, and the annual elections following are highly encouraging to those whose official duty it is to bear the country through this great trial.  Thus we have the new reckoning.  The crisis which threatened to divide the friends of the Union is passed.

Letter to Secretary Stanton.  Washington.  March 1, 1864

My dear Sir, A poor widow, by the name of Baird, has a son in the army, that for some offence has been sentenced to serve a long time without pay, or at most with very little pay.  I do not like this punishment of withholding pay—­it falls so very hard upon poor families.  After he had been serving in this way for several months, at the tearful appeal of the poor mother, I made a direction that he be allowed to enlist for a new term, on the same condition as others.  She now comes, and says she cannot get it acted upon.  Please do it.

Letter to Governor Michael Hahn.  Washington.  March 13, 1864