rivals.  I have had no word from Sumner, Heintzelman, or Keyes.  The commanders of these corps are of course the three highest officers with you, but I am constantly told that you have no consultation or communication with them,—­that you consult and communicate with nobody but General Fitz John Porter, and perhaps General Franklin.  I do not say these complaints are true or just, but at all events it is proper you should know of their existence.  Do the commanders of corps disobey your orders in anything?

...  Are you strong enough—­are you strong enough, even with my help—­to set your foot upon the necks of Sumner, Heintzelman, and Keyes, all at once?  This is a practical and a very serious question for you.

Lincoln’s Proclamation revoking General Hunter’s Order setting the Slaves free.  May 19, 1862

...  General Hunter nor any other commander or person has been authorized by the Government of the United States to make proclamation declaring the slaves of any State free, and that the supposed proclamation now in question, whether genuine or false, is altogether void so far as respects such declaration....  On the sixth day of March last, by a special Message, I recommended to Congress the adoption of a joint resolution, to be substantially as follows:—­Resolved, That the United States ought to co-operate with any State which may adopt a gradual abolishment of slavery, giving to such State earnest expression to compensate for its inconveniences, public and private, produced by such change of system.

The resolution in the language above quoted was adopted by large majorities in both branches of Congress, and now stands an authentic, definite, and solemn proposal of the nation to the States and people most immediately interested in the subject-matter.  To the people of those States I now earnestly appeal.  I do not argue—­I beseech you to make arguments for yourselves.  You cannot, if you would, be blind to the signs of the times.  I beg of you a calm and enlarged consideration of them, ranging, if it may be, far above personal and partisan politics.  The proposal makes common cause for a common object, casting no reproaches upon any.  It acts not the Pharisee.  The change it contemplates would come gently as the dews of heaven, not rending or wrecking anything.  Will you not embrace it?  So much good has not been done by one effort in all past time as in the providence of God it is now your high privilege to do.  May the vast future not have to lament that you have neglected it.

Appeal to the Border States in behalf of Compensated Emancipation.  July 12, 1862

After the adjournment of Congress, now near, I shall have no opportunity of seeing you for several months.  Believing that you of the border States hold more power for good than any other equal number of members, I feel it a duty which I cannot justifiably waive, to make this appeal to you.

I do not speak of emancipation at once, but of a decision at once to emancipate gradually.  Room in South America for colonization can be obtained cheaply and in abundance, and when numbers shall be large enough to be company and encouragement for one another, the freed people will not be so reluctant to go.