Some method might be fallen on to keep up a naval force in time of peace, if we should not judge it necessary to support a constant navy.  If premiums were to be given to merchants, to build and employ in their service ships mounted with twenty, thirty, forty or fifty guns, (the premiums to be in proportion to the loss of bulk to the merchants) fifty or sixty of those ships, with a few guardships on constant duty, would keep up a sufficient navy, and that without burdening ourselves with the evil so loudly complained of in England, of suffering their fleet, in time of peace to lie rotting in the docks.  To unite the sinews of commerce and defense is sound policy; for when our strength and our riches play into each other’s hand, we need fear no external enemy.

In almost every article of defense we abound.  Hemp flourishes even to rankness, so that we need not want cordage.  Our iron is superior to that of other countries.  Our small arms equal to any in the world.  Cannon we can cast at pleasure.  Saltpetre and gunpowder we are every day producing.  Our knowledge is hourly improving.  Resolution is our inherent character, and courage hath never yet forsaken us.  Wherefore, what is it that we want?  Why is it that we hesitate?  From Britain we can expect nothing but ruin.  If she is once admitted to the government of America again, this Continent will not be worth living in.  Jealousies will be always arising; insurrections will be constantly happening; and who will go forth to quell them?  Who will venture his life to reduce his own countrymen to a foreign obedience?  The difference between Pennsylvania and Connecticut, respecting some unlocated lands, shews the insignificance of a British government, and fully proves, that nothing but Continental authority can regulate Continental matters.

Another reason why the present time is preferable to all others, is, that the fewer our numbers are, the more land there is yet unoccupied, which instead of being lavished by the king on his worthless dependants, may be hereafter applied, not only to the discharge of the present debt, but to the constant support of government.  No nation under heaven hath such an advantage at this.

The infant state of the Colonies, as it is called, so far from being against, is an argument in favour of independance.  We are sufficiently numerous, and were we more so, we might be less united.  It is a matter worthy of observation, that the more a country is peopled, the smaller their armies are.  In military numbers, the ancients far exceeded the modems:  and the reason is evident.  For trade being the consequence of population, men become too much absorbed thereby to attend to anything else.  Commerce diminishes the spirit, both of patriotism and military defence.  And history sufficiently informs us, that the bravest achievements were always accomplished in the non-age of a nation.  With the increase of commerce, England hath lost its spirit.  The city of London, notwithstanding its numbers, submits to continued insults with the patience of a coward.  The more men have to lose, the less willing are they to venture.  The rich are in general slaves to fear, and submit to courtly power with the trembling duplicity of a Spaniel.