’The way I look at it is like this:  Will the Government help us to get our rents, or will it not?  Mr. Forster’s Act does not seem to be able to do that.  There’s May there who has been talking all the morning of Castle seasons, and London seasons, and I don’t know what; really I don’t see how it is to be done if the Land League—­’

’And Mr. Parnell’s a gentleman, too.  I wonder how he can ally himself with such blackguards,’ gently insinuated Mrs. Barton, who saw a husband lost in the politician.

But the difficulty the Government find themselves in is that the Land League is apparently a legal organization,’ said Lord Dungory in the midst of a profound silence.

’A society legal, that exists and holds its power through an organized system of outrage!  Mind you, as I have always said, the landlords have brought all their misfortunes upon themselves; they have often behaved disgracefully—­but I would, nevertheless, put down the outrages; yes, I would put down the outrages, and at any cost.’

‘And what would yer do?’ asked Mr. Ryan.  ’De yer know that the herds are being coerced now? we’d get on well enough were it not for that.’

’In the beginning of this year Mr. Forster asked Parliament for special powers.  How has he used those powers?  Without trial, five hundred people have been thrown into prison, and each fresh arrest is answered by a fresh outrage; and when the warrant is issued, and I suppose it will be issued sooner or later, for the arrest of Mr. Parnell, I should not be surprised to hear of a general strike being made against rent.  The consequences of such an event will be terrific; but let these consequences, I say, rest on Mr. Forster’s head.  I shall have no word of pity for him.  His government is a disgrace to Liberalism, and I fear he has done much to prejudice our ideal in the eyes of the world.’

Lord Dungory and Lady Jane exchanged smiles; and poor crotchety Mr. Adair leaned forward his large, bald brow, obscured by many obscure ideals.  After a pause he continued: 

’But I was speaking of Flanders.  From the time of Charles the Fifth the most severe laws were enacted to put down the outrages, but there was an undercurrent of sympathy with the outrage-monger which kept the system alive until 1840.  Then the Government took the matter in hand, and treated outrage-mongering as what it is—­an act of war; and quartered troops on the inhabitants and stamped the disease out in a few years.  Of course I could not, and would not, advocate the employment of such drastic measures in Ireland; but I would put down the outrages with a firm hand, and I would render them impossible in the future by the creation of peasant-proprietors.’

Then, amid the juicy odours of cut pineapple, and the tepid flavours of Burgundy, Mr. Adair warmed to his subject, and proceeded to explain that absolute property did not exist in land in Ireland before 1600, and, illustrating his arguments with quotations from Arthur Young, he spoke of the plantation of Ulster, the leases of the eighteenth century, the Protestants in the North, the employment of labour; until, at last, inebriated with theory, he asked the company what was the end of government?